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Second edition, revised and expanded, with
the original photographs, 2020
Two books by Alexander Bulatovich, translated
by Richard Seltzer
Translation copyright 1993 Richard Seltzer
Print edition published 2000 by The Red Sea
Press, 11-D Princess Road, Lawrenceville, NJ 08648, PO Box 48,
Asmara, Eritrea
Ebook published by Seltzer Books
established in 1974, as B&R
Samizdat Express
feedback welcome:
seltzer@seltzerbooks.com
A review of this book in "Old Africa"
begins: "Despite its bland title, this is the most
important book on the history of eastern Africa to have been
published for a century. And it was written over a century ago!
... Based on
Bulatovich's day-to-day diary, it is not only the sole but a
vivid first-hand description of how Menelik II created his
Ethiopian Empire." Complete text of that review below.
Richard Seltzer's historical novel The Name of Hero is
based on the life of Alexander Bulatovich. It is available on the
web and also as an ebook at Kobo and at Nook (Barnes &
Noble).
Sources and related documents are available
on the Web.
A. X. BULATOVICH
-- HUSSAR, EXPLORER, MONK BY KATSNELSON
FOOTNOTES TO A. X. BULATOVICH -- HUSSAR, EXPLORER, MONK BY
KATSNELSON
FROM ENTOTTO TO THE
RIVER BARO BY ALEXANDER BULATOVICH
WITH
THE ARMIES OF MENELIK II BY ALEXANDER BULATOVICH, TRANSLATED
BY RICHARD SELTZER
TIMELINE FOR ALEXANDER
BULATOVICH
EMAIL FROM DR. GIRMA IYASSU,
GREAT-GREAT GRANDSON OF MENELIK II -- NEWS OF VASKA
A young Russian cavalry officer witnessed as
Ethiopia vied with Italy, France, and England for control of
previously unexplored territory in east-central Africa. His two
books are an important source of historical and ethnographic
information about that little-known but critical and exciting
period.
Almost all official Ethiopian documents from
the 1890s were destroyed during the war with Italy in 1936. The
historical record depends largely on the observations of
European explorers and visitors, of whom Alexander Bulatovich
was one of the very best. The books included here cover the
first two (1896-97 and 1897-98) of his four trips to Ethiopia.
Bulatovich sensed that Ethiopia was in a
delicate state of transition, that what he was seeing would not
remain or even be remembered in a generation or two. He had the
instincts, although not the training, of an anthropologist,
trying to preserve some record of fast-disappearing cultures.
But he was not a scientist who observed with cool detachment.
Rather, he was actively involved in the events he described,
particularly on the expedition to Lake Rudolf. He became
ambivalent, torn by his military duty (as an officer attached to
the army of Ras Wolda Giyorgis) and by his personal values and
sense of justice. Time and again, he found himself party to the
decimation of the very people whose culture he wanted to
preserve.
He approached his subject with enthusiasm,
fascination, and, at times, with almost religious respect. He
did not presume that European culture and technology were
morally superior. Nor did he romantically prefer the
"primitive."
Empathizing with many of the peoples he
encountered, he witnessed the tragedy of the clash between
traditional ways and modern arms. He considered modernization
inevitable, but preferred that it be done in the most humane
manner. Hence he considered conquest and gradual change under
the Amharic rulers of Ethiopia as preferable to the total
destruction which would be likely in case of conquest by a
European power.
Bulatovich had a strong natural interest in
military and religious matters, and that was at the heart of his
respect for these people. He saw the Abyssinian military as
having recently passed through a golden age of cavalry charges
and individual heroism, which called to mind the by-gone days of
medieval Europe. He saw the Ethiopian Church as close to the
Russian Orthodox Church and the origins of Christianity, and he
greatly respected all the details of their belief and practice,
and all their unique legends and saints.
He was, however, a product of his time: the
time of Kipling and the Berlin Conference. In those days, it was
common for Europeans to make judgements about cultures, based on
a scale in which their own culture was at the top. He shows
great respect for and understanding of Amhara, Galla (Oromo),
and several other Ethiopian peoples and cultures, with whom he
had prolonged contact and whose languages he learned. But he
uses strong negative terms to describe the people and cultures
of what is now Southern Ethiopia. In part, this prejudice is due
to ignorance -- he had little contact with these people and did
not understand their language. In part, too, it was a reflection
of the attitudes of his comrades-in-arms -- Amhara and Galla
warriors -- who also were encountering these people for the
first time, and for whom they were just as foreign and
incomprehensible as they were to Bulatovich.
His works should appeal to anyone interested
in the history or anthropology of Africa and Ethiopia. They also
provide a clear picture of the relations between Russia and
Ethiopia in the 1890s, which planted the seeds of their
present-day relations. And these accounts can help fill in
historical details regarding events and individuals during that
era, and can serve as a valuable resource to specialists.
________________________________________
Up until now, the main source in English
about Russian activities in Ethiopia and their observations of
that country has been The Russians in Ethiopia: An Essay in
Futility by Czeslaw Jesman. This is an amusing collection
of rumors and anecdotes, based primarily on Italian sources.
Unfortunately, it is often wrong; but, in the absence of a
better source, its errors have often been repeated.
One speech which Bulatovich made to the
Russian Geographical Society was translated into Italian and
French and is frequently cited. But his two books, up until now,
were available only in Russian. Hence his observations and
contributions have remained virtually unknown in the West.
Bulatovich's first book, From Entotto to
the River Baro, published in 1897, consists of journals of
two excursions he went on during his first trip to Ethiopia
1896-97, plus a series of essays based on what he heard and
observed during his year-long stay with the Russian Red Cross
Mission. The essays deal with various peoples of Ethiopia
(Galla/Oromo, Sidamo, Amhara) -- their history, culture, way of
life, beliefs and languages; on the governmental system and its
historical background, on the army, on commerce, and on the
Emperor's family.
With the Armies of Menelik II,
published in 1900, is the journal of Bulatovich's second trip to
Ethiopia 1897-98, during which he served as an advisor to the
army of Ras Wolda Giyorgis as it conquered the previously
little-known southwestern territories from Kaffa to Lake Rudolf.
Here he builds on his previous knowledge of the country and also
recounts an exciting personal story of military adventure, which
builds to a climax in the final chapters.
Both books, edited and with an introduction
by Isidor Savvich Katsnelson, were reissued by The Institute of
Oriental Studies in Moscow in 1971.
________________________________________
I first discovered Bulatovich in the London
Times of 1913, while looking for another story, on which I
wished to base a novel. The article described how Russian troops
had besieged two monasteries at Mount Athos in Greece and exiled
some 660 monks to remote parts of the Russian Empire for
believing that "The Name of God was a part of God and,
therefore, in itself divine." Bulatovich -- a former cavalry
officer who had "fought in the Italo-Abyssinian campaign, and
afterwards in the Far East" -- was the leader and defender of
the monks. ("Heresy at Mount Athos: a Soldier Monk and the Holy
Synod," June 19, 1913).
News was a more leisurely business then than
now. The reporter drew an analogy to characters in a novel by
Anatole France and drew an interesting sketch of the background
and motivations of the main figure. I got the impression of
Bulatovich as a restless man, full of energy, chasing from one
end of the world to the other in search of the meaning of life.
Eventually, he sought tranquility as a monk at Mount Athos, only
to find himself in a battle of another kind.
I was hooked by this new character and new
story. What would a Russian soldier have been doing in Ethiopia
at the turn of the century? What war could he have fought in the
the Far East? What was it that compelled him to go from one end
of the world to the other, and then to become a monk?
After getting out of the Army, I moved to
Boston, where my future wife, Barbara lived. There I tracked
down all available leads to this story, but could find very
little additional information. There was a poem by Mandelshtam
about the heresy. The philosopher Berdyayev had nearly been sent
to Siberia for expressing support for the heretics. But that was
it.
Then in the spring of 1972, the "B" volume of
the new edition of the official Soviet Encyclopedia (Bolshaya
Sovietskaya Entsiklopedia) appeared. The previous edition had
mentioned an "Alexander" Bulatovich who died about 1910. The
Bulatovich in the Times article was named "Anthony" and was very
much alive in 1913. The new edition made it clear that Alexander
and Anthony were the same man. (In the Russian Orthodox Church,
when becoming a monk, it is common to adopt a new name with the
same first letter.) The new article corrected the date of his
death (1919) and referenced books that Bulatovich had written
about his experiences in Ethiopia. This encyclopedia item was
signed by Professor I.S. Katsnelson, from the Institute of
Oriental Studies, in Moscow.
I wrote to Professor Katsnelson, and to my
delight, in his reply, he sent me a copy of a recently published
reprint of Bulatovich's Ethiopian books, which he had edited,
and also gave me the name and address of Bulatovich's sister,
Princess Mary Orbeliani, who was then 98, and living in Canada.
Katsnelson offered to help me gain access to
Soviet archives that had some of Bulatovich's unpublished notes
and other related materials. But my Army security clearance
prevented me from travel behind the Iron Curtain. (I was then in
the Army reserves.)
Instead, in the summer of 1972, I traveled to
Mount Athos, where I spent two weeks, mostly doing research in
the library of St. Pantelaimon, the one remaining Russian
monastery there.
Meanwhile, I corresponded with Princess
Orbeliani, and visited her for two days the following summer in
Penticton, British Columbia. In long tape-recorded conversations
and in letters before and after that visit, she provided me with
valuable information about her brother's life and insight into
his character. At 99, she was very articulate, lucid, and
helpful. She was delighted that someone was showing an interest
in her brother's work and beliefs. She was a remarkable and
inspiring person -- unassuming, warm and open. Living in a
nursing home, she continued to pursue her artwork, specializing
in water colors. Although her fingers were swollen from
arthritis and she had difficulty even unwrapping a piece of
candy, she could still play Chopin on the piano from memory,
smoothly and without hesitation. Her own tale would make an
interesting book: flight during the Revolution by way of Baku to
Yugoslavia, and hardship there under the Nazis; sending her son
to engineering school in Louvain, Belgium; his career in the
Belgian Congo; and then eventually joining him in British
Columbia. (She passed away in 1977 at the age of 103).
Increasingly, I was getting caught up in the
research, carrying it far beyond what one would normally do to
write an "historical novel." Each new piece of information
raised more questions and pulled me in even deeper.
At Harvard's Widener Library, I was able to
follow up references and find related materials. In this manner,
I found and photocopied numerous books and articles about
Ethiopia, as well as the heresy, and the Manchurian campaign of
1900.
I was fascinated by Bulatovich's character
and wanted to work out the puzzle of his motivations, and what
might have led to the shifts and twists of his life: from St.
Petersburg, to Ethiopia, to Manchuria, then back to St.
Petersburg where he became a monk, and on to Mount Athos,
becoming the champion of the "heretics" there, then a chaplain
at the Eastern Front in World War I, surviving the Revolution
and Civil War, and returning to preach on what had been his
family's estate in the Ukraine, only to be murdered by bandits.
What drove him to do the things he did? How
could I present all these facts I had uncovered in a way that
they seemed plausible?
Eventually, I wrote The Name of Hero.
Intended as the first part of a trilogy, this novel focuses on
Manchuria, with flashbacks to his childhood and to Ethiopia.
Professor Katsnelson died in 1981, the year that Hero was
published.
Katsnelson (1910-1981) was a professor at
Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the
U.S.S.R., in Moscow. He was a specialist in ancient Egypt and
Nubia, best known for his monograph Napata and Meroe -- the
Ancient Kingdom of Sudan published in 1971. He had a personal
interest in Ethiopia and Bulatovich in particular. In 1975,
together with G. Terekhova, he published a popularized biography
of Bulatovich entitled Through Unknown Lands of Ethiopia. He
also edited and, in 1979, published a book by another Russian
explorer of Ethiopia, a contemporary of Bulatovich, L.K.
Artamanov, entitled Through Ethiopia to the Banks of the White
Nile. Katsnelson also uncovered in the Soviet Archives a series
of previously unpublished documents by and about Bulatovich in
Ethiopia. These were eventually published in Moscow in 1987 as
Third Expedition in Ethiopia by Bulatovich. Selections from his
introduction to the first Bulatovich books, with unique
biographical details about Bulatovich, are included at the end
of this volume.
While I was researching my novel, I
translated portions of Bulatovich's Ethiopian books for my own
use. The more I read about Ethiopia, the more it became clear to
me that experts in the field were unfamiliar with these works
and could benefit from them, and also that they contain much
that would interest the general reader and lover of history.
Finally, with the prompting of Professor Harold Marcus of
Michigan State University, I made the time to translate both
books in full. I am now writing the next Bulatovich novel.
________________________________________
Up until the Revolution, Russia used the
Julian or "old style" calendar, which, in 1897-98 lagged 12 days
behind the Gregorian calendar, which was used by the rest of the
world. Since Bulatovich used the "old style" and celebrated
religious holidays, such as Christmas, in accord with that
calendar, his usage has been retained in this translation.
I have not anglicized the names -- except
Biblic ones in a church or historical context (e.g. the Queen of
Sheba), and Bulatovich's middle name Xavieryevich (instead of
Ksaveryevich), to indicate the Roman Catholic origins of his
father, Xavier.
Ethiopian words in the text pose a particular
problem. Bulatovich used non-traditional phonetic methods to
render what he heard into Cyrillic characters. Strictly
following standard Cyrillic-to-English transliteration practice
would lead to unnecessary confusion, making it difficult to
recognize when he is writing about well-known historical people,
places, and events. For instance, the general he accompanied on
the expedition to Lake Rudolph is commonly rendered in English
as Wolda Giyorgis, but direct transliteration from Bulatovich's
Cyrillic would yield Val'dye Gyeorgyis. And the common title
dajazmatch in direct transliteration would have been dadiazmach.
To avoid this problem, where the Amharic
original is obvious and the person, place, or thing is
well-known, I follow the spelling in The Life and Times of
Menelik II by Harold G. Marcus.
In other cases, I deviate from standard
transliteration to yield spellings consistent with well-known
ones. For instance, the Russian letter "U" at the beginning of a
word and before a vowel is rendered "W" in this text (as in
Wollo and Wollaga). Also, the Russian character that is normally
rendered with the two-letter combination "kh" is transcribed
here simply as "h" when it falls at the beginning of a word (as
in Haile). And the combination of two Russian letters -- "d" and
the letter normally rendered as "zh" -- is here treated as the
single letter "j" (as in Djibouti and Joti). Also, the series of
titles ending in -match, such as dajazmatch, are rendered
consistently with "tch" rather than just "ch" as in Bulatovich's
usage.
For convenience, when Bulatovich uses Russian
units of measure for distance (verst), length (vershok, arshin,
sagene), temperature (Reamur), weight (pood), I provide a direct
translation and immediately follow with the conversion to common
American units of measure [in brackets].
The paragraph breaks are the same as in the
original (for easy comparison of one text with the other).
Ellipses (...) are used here the same as in
the original. They do not indicate that material has been
omitted.
Thanks to the dozens of people from the
Internet newsgroups soc.culture.soviet and k12.lang.russian who
took the time to help me decipher obscure and obsolete Russian
terms and identify literary quotations. Alexander Chaihorsky
deserves special thanks for his insight into the meaning of
"sal'nik" based on his experience as an explorer in northern
Mongolia. Thanks also to another Internet contact: Zemen
Lebne-Dengel, who explained for me the Amharic words t'ef and
dagussa.
The
introduction to Katsnelson's edition of Bulatovich's Ethiopian
books -- With the Armies of Menelik II, edited by I.
S. Katsnelson of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the
Academy of Sciences of the U.S.S.R."Science" Publishing House
Chief Editorial Staff of Oriental Literature Moscow 1971.
translated
by Richard Seltzer, seltzer@seltzerbooks.com
[Numbers
refer to footnotes at the end of this essay.]
Africa
has hidden and still hides much that is unknown, unexplored,
enigmatic. Even today there are regions of Africa where the
foot of an explorer has never trod. Kaffa (now one of the
provinces of Ethiopia) remained a legendary country up until
the very end of the last century -- "African Tibet" -- having
fenced itself off from the outside world. Foreigners were
strictly forbidden access to this country. Even now, we know
less about it, its history, morals, customs, and the language
of the inhabitants and the neighboring tribes to the south and
west than about any other region of Ethiopia. The first
traveler and explorer who crossed Kaffa from end to end and
compiled a detailed description of it was the Russian officer
Alexander Xavieryevich Bulatovich.
The
life path of A. X. Bulatovich was truly unusual. Having begun
in one of the most exclusive educational institutions of
tsarist Russia and in the fashionable salons of Petersburg, in
the circle of brilliant guard officers, he dashes across
deserts, mountains, and plains of the least known regions of
Ethiopia; across the fields of battle and hills of Manchuria;
a solitary monastic cell and monasteries of Mount Athos
embroiled in fanatic scholastic arguments; across First World
War trenches soaked with blood, saturated with stench; and
tragically, senselessly comes to an abrupt end in a little
hamlet in the Ukraine.
The
posthumous fate of A. X. Bulatovich was no less amazing.
At
the very end of the last century and before the First World
War, he repeatedly found himself at the center of attention of
the Russian, and, at times, also of the foreign press. But
then he was completely forgotten.
To a
considerable extent, the cause of this was the October
Revolution and events of succeeding years. But, however it
came about, up until recent times almost nothing was known
about A. X. Bulatovich. Even the year of his death given in
the second edition of the Big Soviet Encyclopedia -- "around
1910" -- was incorrect.(1) His discoveries and observations
did not receive full appreciation. In any case, no one who
wrote about him indicated that he was in fact the first man to
cross Kaffa.(2)
Only
now, when searches have been begun in the archives and some
people who knew A. X. Bulatovich or were related to him have
responded, (3) his image has become more distinct and the
great significance of his journeys and of his scientific work
is becoming clearer.
However,
this research is still far from complete. Much apparently
needs to be amplified, and also, possibly to be made more
accurate. For instance, we now know almost nothing about the
last three to four years of his life, and the circumstances of
his death are known only in the most general way. We will try
here to sum up briefly all that we have learned about him in
recent years.
A.
X. Bulatovich was born September 26, 1870 in the city of
Orel.(4) At that time, the 143rd Dorogobuzhskiy Regiment,
which was stationed there, was commanded by his father,
Major-General Xavier Vikentyevich Bulatovich, who was
descended from hereditary nobles of Grodno Province. X.V.
Bulatovich died around 1873, leaving a young widow, Evgeniya
Andreyevna, with three children.
The
childhood years of Alexander Xavieryevich and his two sisters
were spent at their wealthy estate known as "Lutsikovka" in
Markovskaya Volost, Lebedinskiy District, Kharkov Province.(5)
Already at that time some traits of his character and world
view took shape: courage, persistence, passionate love for his
native land, and deep religious piety.
In
1884, Evgeniya Andreyevna moved with the children to
Petersburg. It had come time to send them to school. The girls
entered the Smolny Institute. The elder daughter soon died of
typhus. A. X. Bulatovich, who was then 14, began to attend the
preparatory classes of the Alexandrovskiy Lyceum -- one of the
most exclusive educational institutions. (6)
Having
passed the entrance examinations, A. X. Bulatovich was
admitted to the Lyceum. His only difficulty on the exam,
strange as it may seem, was in geography, which he just barely
passed. Subsequently -- right up to graduation -- he studied
excellently, advancing with prizes from class to class.(7)
Future diplomats and high government officials received their
preparation at this Lyceum. Therefore, the pupils mainly
studied foreign languages -- French, English, and German --
and jurisprudence. In other words, A. X. Bulatovich received
an education in the humanities, but that didn't prevent him
from becoming a capable mathematician, as indicated by the
geodesic and cartographic surveys he conducted.
In
1891 A. X. Bulatovich finished the Alexandrovskiy Lyceum as
one of the best students and went to work in May of that same
year in "His Majesty's Personal Office in the Department of
Institutions of the Empress Mary," which directed educational
and beneficial institutions. He was awarded the rank of the
ninth class, which is "titular councilor." (8) However, a
civil career did not entice him; and following the family
tradition, he submitted an application and enlisted on May 28,
1891 as a "private with the rights of having volunteered" in
the Life-Guard Hussar Regiment of the Second Cavalry Division,
(9) which was one of the most aristocratic regiments. Only a
select few could become officers of such a regiment.
After
a year and three months, August 16, 1892, A. X. Bulatovich
received his first officer's rank -- cornet. (10) After
another year, he made his way onto the fencing team, formed
under the command of the Horse Grenadier Guard Regiment, with
the task of becoming a fencing instructor. He stayed there for
a half-year, then on April 10, 1894, was sent back to his
regiment, where he was first appointed assistant to the head,
and then, on December 24, 1895, head of the regimental
training detachment.
Although
A. X. Bulatovich was taught in a civil educational
institution, he acquired riding skills in childhood and youth;
and through persistent training at riding school and at race
courses, he became an excellent horseman -- possibly one of
the best of that time. That was not an easy accomplishment:
Russian cavalry and Cossack regiments always had a reputation
as first-class horsemen. According to trainer I.S. Gatash, who
served in the stable of A. X. Bulatovich, (quoted by V.A.
Borisov who found the old man), "For Alexander Xavieryevich,
the horse he couldn't tame didn't exist."
Thus,
interrupted only by races and other horse competitions, the
years of service in the regiment passed rather quietly, until
events which at first glance did not have any relation to A.
X. Bulatovich suddenly broke the settled tenor of life of the
capable, prospering officer.
At
the end of the nineteenth century the colonial division of
Africa among England, France, Germany, Spain, and Portugal was
completed. Only Ethiopia had preserved its independence,
together with the almost unexplored regions adjacent to it on
the south and southwest, plus some difficult-to-reach regions
of the central part of the continent. Italy, which had joined
in the division of Africa later than the other European
imperialistic powers, felt that it had been done out of its
fair share. Only at the end of the 1880s did it settle in
Somalia and Eritrea. Now, according to the plan of its leading
circles, should come the turn of neighboring Ethiopia.
In
Ethiopia itself and around it at this time arose a very
complex situation -- a true Gordian knot of conflicts,
interlaced from the struggles of the colonizing powers, with
unavoidable diplomatic intrigues, threats, briberies, lying
promises and punitive expeditions. The ruling empeor,
king of kings of Ethiopia -- Menelik II, continuing the
efforts of his immediate predecessors, secured the unification
of previously fragmented independent
and half-independent principalities into a single centralized
state that in the given concrete circumstances undoubtedly had
led to progress and had answered the aspirations of various
sections of the population and, above all, of the governing class. Those
close to Menelik II hoped to get lucrative and esteemed posts
and appointments, with associated revenue; and merchants and
artisans hoped to be able to safely conduct their business,
without fear of the constant civil strife which the peasants
were subject to. The reforms carried out by the Negus
benefitted the economic development of the country. The
penetration of foreign capital and the invitation of various
specialists from Europe -- basically engineers to improve
roads and repair communications -- and also the establishment
of a single monetary system, to a significant degree, helped
make that happen. For the first time in the history of feudal
Ethioipia, there arose relations characteristic of the
beginning stage of capitalist society.(11) It was natural that
the strengthening of Ethiopia did not was not welcomed by
those who were striving to take control of this country,
considering its key position on strategic lines of
communication, and the fact that it was liberally endowed by
nature and offered vast opportunities for the sale of
industrial products. England and Italy acted actively and
purposefully. England strove at this time to realize plans
that it had not up until then been able to carry out -- to
seize the regions of Central Africa that separated its colony
in Uganda from the Sudan, which it controlled, and thus to
unite all the possessions and zones of influence from the
Mediterannean Sea to the Cape of Good Hope. The realization of
those plans would naturally help establish reliable lines of
communication. They wanted to stretch telegraph wires from
Capetown to Cairo through the nominally independent Congo
which by decree of Germany refused to give permission for this
work.
From
Mombassa on the shores of the Indian Ocean, they intended to
extend a railroad line past Lake Victoria and Lake Albert to
Khartoum.(12) But on that path lay Ethiopia, which had
preserved in full measure its independence and which was not
at all interested in this railroad line. This is why England,
having tried to take possession of the western regions of
Ethiopia necessary for building that railroad line and having
tried to penetrate neighboring areas, not only did not stand
in the way of the aggressive intentions of Italy, but even
encouraged them,(13) having signed with them in 1891 two
protocols (March 24 and April 15) about the demarcation of
spheres of influence in countries adjacent to the Red Sea. The
protocol of May 5, 1894, recognized the predominance of the
interests of Italy in Harar, where the penetration of France
was making matters difficult. France was a stronger colonial
power with which it would be far more difficult to come to an
understanding. A significant part of Ethiopia, according to
this predatory secret deal, would go to Italy,(14) which
England by all means strove to keep out of the Sudan. By the
terms of this deal, the sphere of influence of the Italians
included the western lands bordering Ethiopia that were
populated by the Sidamo people, although the English
themselves showed far from platonic interests in that
territory.
Having
negotiated with England, Italy stirred up its own political
action in Ethiopia, to which they sent a supposedly scientific
expenditions, consisting solely of active dutry officers. Such
were, for example, two expeditions of artillery officer V.
Bottego.(15) However, as you can easily conclude from reading
the work and the reports of A. K. Bulatovich, neither the
Italians nor the English succeeded in gaining control of that
territory.(16)
The
attempts of Italy to make Ethoipia a protectorate were
unsuccessful. Then, throwing off the mask of sham friendship,
Italy turned to open aggression and in July 1894 occupied
Kassala, by this act starting the Italo-Abyssinian War,
disgracefully ending with the crushing defeat of Italy at Adwa
on March 1, 1896.(17) This brilliant victory had important
consequences for Ethiopia. Above all, the victors obtained
valuable trophies, of which the most important were up-to-date
weapons: a large quantity of rifles and cartridges, all kinds
of artillery with a large quantity of ammunition and all kinds
of transport.(18)
The
victory at Adwa played a major role in the history of
Ethiopia. It not only united its indigenous population, but
also to a great degree helped strengthen and unify this feudal
state, significantly strengthening its international
authority. Its military power increased. Ethiopia, by its very
existence, first demonstrated to the imperial powers that the
people of Africa can stand up for their independence and have
right for independence existence. This historical lesson had
lasting importance in the struggle of African peoples against
colonial oppression, as Bulatovich realized very well when he
wrote,"... Menelik engaged with Italy in a desperate struggle
for the existence of his state, its freedom and independence,
and prevailed over his enemy in a series of brilliant
victories and by doing so demonstrated irrefutably that in
Africa there is a black race that can stand on its own and has
all the qualities needed for independent existence."
But
removal of danger from the east did not at all indicate a
weakening of the danger looming on the south and south-west.
The implementation of the claims of England could have
far-reaching consequences, as the actual conditions showed,
that its appetite was insatiable, and historical experience
attested how
multifaceted and dangerous were the means that it used for its
gratification.
Already
in 1899 Menelik stopped all hostile act against the Sudan,
which was temporarily striving for independence under the
Mahdi, correctly thinking that he should not distract the
Mahdi from his struggle with the English, and by so doing
scatter his forces which were necessary for repulsing the
enemy that was more dangerous at that time -- Italy, which by
all means strove to make Ethiopia clash with the Sudan.(19) In
th victory of the Mahdi, the Negus rightly perceived a
guarantee that Europeans would not penetrate to his own
land,(20) for to him it was quite clear that, having seized
Khartoum and Omdurman, the English would advance on Ethiopia;
and, moreover, it was possible, they would not hestiate to use
armed force.(21)
In
the Sudan, from the Egyption border to Khartoum, slowly but
steadily advanced the twenty-thousand-man corps of General
Kichener. From the south, from Uganda, he was supposed to be
joined by the detachment of Major MacDonald, who had been
ordered to take possession of the upper reaches of the Nile,
the Jubba River, and the mouth of the Omo River, flowing into
the recetnly discovered Lake Rudolph. This way, the English
would have seized not only all the land adjacent to the upper
and middle reaches of the Nile, but also regions directly
bordering on Ethiopia.
However,
these plans were not realized, and not only because
MacDonald's soldiers mutinied. The possible strengthening of
England in this region did not at all please the French, who
for a long time had been rivals with England in Africa. The
Sudan, in the opinion of the French government, ought to
recognize the possessions of Turkey, to turn over the eastern
part of the Equatorial Province to Ethiopia, "confirming its
right to independent existence," and to annex the western part
of that province to the French Congo.Thus the southern
possessions of England in Africa would have been cut off from
the northern possessions.(22) Taking into account that given
the then existing arrangement of forces in Africa, there was
nothing more the French could succeed in taking in hand, which
was subsequently confirmed by the famous, not at all pleasant
for French prestige Fahsoda Incident. They preferred to have
as their neighbor the Ethiopian and not the British lion.
Therefore, the French representative to the court of Menelik
II let him know that France would not at all be displeased if
he extended the boundaries of his possessions even as far as
the Belgian Congo.
But
Menelik did not need hints, encouragement or incitements. A
wise and far-sighted ruler, he already for a long time
followed with alarm the intrigues of the colonial powers and
how they gradually enslaved free tribes and peoples. Already
in 1891 the Negus very firmly and determinedly expressed that
he would not stay a detached and passive observer, if European
colonial powers began to divide among themselves lands that
had never belonged to Ethiopia. Menelik decided to restore the
old boundaries of his coutnry on the west and the south --
right up to the right bank of the White Nile and Lake
Victoria. It was evident that if he let the English have
freedom of action in this region, he would by so doing put at
risk the independence of his native land.
Advancing
the boundaries of his country to the Congo and to French
possessions, Menelik would forever frustrate their plans to
merge Uganda and the Sudan. Victory over Italy on the one side
and the real threat on the wes in consequence of the
activation of military operations in the Sudan and on the
other side precipiated Menelik's decision to go from words to
action. He began with annexing to Ethiopia states that
bordered his to the south, lands of the Galla, Konta, Kulo and
a series of other tribes. But there were other reasons
determining this decision.
In
case of success, the Abyssinian plateau would be the only
administrative and economic entity that answered the
geographic, natural and ethnic conditions.
Also, do not forget that Ethiopia was a typical feudal state;
and in a feudal environment, wars and the attendent spoils of
the conquerors were the usual means for filling ahe state
coffers and the vital source of feudal enrichment. Rumors of
the fabulous wealth of Kaffa and the incalculable treasures of
its king kindled their imagination and greed. Besides,
territorial concessions to England could ruin Menelik's
prestige in the eyes of his vassals, who recognized the power
of the Ethiopian emperor only so long as they felt his
strength.(23) Beginning in 1881, the predecessors of Menelik
and he himself tried seven times to conquer Kaffa, wanting to
establish their rule over it and to obtain payment of tribute.
But those attempts were unsuccessful.
The
situation changed abruptly after the victory of Ethiopia over
Italy, when excellent weapons fell into the hands of the
Ethiopians. Two thirds of the members of Menelik's army were
armed with rifles, while Kaffa had altogether only three
hundred old guns. You should keep in mind that the Negus,
animated with success and urged forward by the impending
threat from the side of the colonial powers, acted boldly and
decisively.
At
first Menelik intended to annex Kaffa as a vassal state, so
its king, Gaki Sherocho, would keep his rights and
prerogatives. However, the long and fierce resistance of the
poulation, extending the war for seven months -- from March to
September 1896 -- aroused the fear that the people of Kaffa
would revolt at the first opportunity. Therefore, the Negus
annexed Kaffa to Ethiopia, naming its conqueror, Wolde
Georgis, as its ruler. Gaki Sherocho was separated from the
other prisoners and sent to Addis Ababa, and would not be
allowed to leave there. The country was almost completely
devastated. Thousands of warriors fell in battle, defending
their native land.(24) In Europe these events went completely
unnoticed. Very few geographers, ethnographers and specialists
even knew of the existence of Kaffa. Only the Parisian
newspaper "Le Temps" published a small notice, which included
inaccuracies.(25) A.
K. Bulatovich was the first to describe these events in
detail, as F. Bieber mentioned in his work.(26)
Thus
vanished an independent state, which had existed for almost
six centuries. However, from the point of view of the
objective development of the historical process you need to
recognize that in spite of all the brutality permitted the
conquerors, regardless of poverty and hunger which reigned in
Kaffa after the invasion of the armes of the Negus, the
annexation of Kaffa to Ethiopia had a progressive character.
A. K Bulatovich clearly realized this: "Striving to expand the
limits of his domain Menelik is only fulfilling the
traditional mission of Ethiopia as the disseminator of culture
and the unifier of all those inhabiting the Ethiopian plateau
and the
neighboring related tribes and only amounted to a new step in
the establishment and development of the power of a black
empire... We
Russians cannot help sympathizing with his intentions, not
only because of political considerations, but also for purely
human reasons. It is well known to what consequences conquests
of wild tribes by Europeans lead. Too great a difference in
the degree of culture between the conquered people and their
conquerors has always led to the enslavement, corruption, and
degeneration of the weaker race. The natives of America
degenerated and have almost ceased to exist. The natives of
India were corrupted and deprived of individuality. The black
tribes of Africa became the slaves of the whites. Clashes
between nations more or less close to one another in culture
bring completely different results. For the Abyssinians, the
Egyptian, Arab, and, finally, European civilization, which
they have gradually adopted, have not been pernicious."
Indeed,
in Kaffa not only did many primitive and barbaric customs and
ceremonies (including even human sacrifice) disappear, but
also possibilities opened for the production of more
up-to-date weapons, for progressive social-economic relations,
characteristic of the vanguard as compared with that of
Ethiopia. Finally, the conquest put an end to centuries-old
isolation and made possible the penetration of western
capital, and in the given concrete circumsances undoubtedly
played a positive role, helping the revival of the economic
life of the country and the rise of more progressive forms of
ownership.
Such
was in general outline the situation in Ethiopia when A. K.
Bulatovich first went there, attached to the Red Cross
mission, which was under orders of the Russian government in
the spring of 1896.(27)
The
struggle which Ethiopia was carrying out for its independence
elicited a lively response in Russia, especially in its
progressive circles. This much was known: the Ethiopian people
fought for their freedom. It is important to keep in mind that
Russians considered Ethiopians to be brothers in faith -- a
circumstance which then had no small significance. The Russian
press greeted the victory at Adwa with rejoicing. But there
were also more prosaic reasons why the Russian government was
ready to provide real help to Ethiopia.
At
the end of the 19th century in Russia pre-political
capitalism, even though not at the pace of Europe or America,
but none the less swiftly was growing into imperialism, --
with all the peculiarities inherent to it: such as striving to
seize markets and sources of raw material, and expansion, and
bitter conflicts with other imperialist powers. In particular,
conflicts with imperialist powers impelled the Russian
government to support Ethiopia in its struggle with Italy, and
even more so in its struggle with England, a long-time and
dangerous rival of Russia in Asia. A strong, independent and
united Ethiopia (28) would limit the free movement of the
English in Africa and would weaken their position on the sea
routes leading to the Suez and the Red Sea. Finally, Ethiopia
representated a potentially vast market for many Russian
goods.(29) Contemporaries knew this well and made no secret of
it: "What is Abyssia to us? Why is it necessary to Russia?...
Remember that it will play an important role for us in the
future in Asia: England is such a serious rival to us there
and so everything relating to England that takes place in
Africa, where in case of indications of future losses in
India, England will hasten to establish a New Empire, trying
to unite under its rule a conglomerate of lands from Capetown
to Cairo." (30)
Therefore,
in the face of menacing danger Menelik, not wihtout reason
counted on help from Russia, the one large European power
which did not recognize the secret 17th article of the Ucciali
Treaty about the approbation of Ethiopia. (31) As for France,
which significantly more sharly and painfully took a political
position in Africa , namely this circumstance regardless of
the support shown it, made the Negus more guarded in relation
to it. It strove not for the well-being of Ethipia, but rather
to cause as much annoyance as possible to its long-time rival
-- England.
In
Russia, a collection of goods was organized to help the sick
and wounded Ethiopian soldiers [from the Battle of Adwa], (32)
and a detachment of the Red Cross was sent. The decision to do
this was made in March 1896, and 100,000 rubles was allocated
for expenses. (33) Aside from the leader -- Major General N.K.
Shvedov -- 61 men joined.
It
is hard to say what directly prompted A. X. Bulatovich to
apply for inclusion in this detachment to which he was
assigned March 26, 1896. (34) One of his fellow travelers,
F.E. Krindach, in a book that was published in two editions
but which is now very rare, Russian Cavalryman in Abyssinia
(second edition, St. Petersburg 1898), "dedicated to the
description of the 350-verst trek, outstanding in difficulty
and brilliant in accomplishment, which was carried out under
the most extraordinary circumstances by Lieutenant A. X.
Bulatovich in April 1896," considered it necessary in the
introduction "first of all to establish the fact that A. X.
Bulatovich was assigned to the detachment at his own request,
as a private person."
A.
X. Bulatovich strove to prepare himself as thoroughly as
possible for the journey. We know about this not only from his
first book, but also from other sources. For instance,
Professor V.V. Bolotov, historian of the early church, a man
with great and deep knowledge in this area, having mastered
many new and ancient eastern languages, including Geez and
Amharic, on March 27, 1986 wrote "... there appeared an
Abyssinian Hierodeacon Gebra Hrystos [Servant of Christ] and
told me that he wanted me to see Hussar Guard Bulatovich who
is going to Abyssinia. It turned out that Bulatovich wanted to
know which grammar and dictionary of the Amharic language to
get..." (35)
Apparently,
his progress was considerable, because a year later when A. X.
Bulatovich had extended his theoretical preparation and
supplemented it with practice, this same V.V. Bolotov reported
to another addressee "... in March there was no one in
Petersburg who knew Amharic better than I did. Now Life-Guard
Kornet A. X. Bulatovich, who has returned from Abyssinia,
speaks and even writes some in this language." (36)
The
trip to Ethiopia turned out to be longer than anticipated, due
to obstacles put in their way by Italians who hadn't given up
hope of consolidating their position in Ethiopia. Naturally,
any help to Ethiopia, even medical, was undesirable to them.
In
any case, the detachment was not only denied entrance to the
port at Massawa, despite previously obtained permission, but a
cruiser was even dispatched to keep watch on the steamer with
the Russian doctors. (37) Therefore, N.K. Shvedov and his
companions sailed from Alexandria to Djibouti, where they
arrived on April 18, 1896, as indicated in the book written by
F.E. Krindach, who we now let tell the story, since Bulatovich
himself doesn't mention anywhere the events of the first days
of his stay in Africa.
While
the caravan was being formed, the state of affairs (38) made
it necessary to send ahead to Harar an energetic, reliable
person, in view of the fact that the rainy season was rapidly
approaching. One of the prerequisites for successfully
completing this mission was to travel as fast as possible. To
carry out this difficult and dangerous mission, they asked for
a volunteer. Kornet (now Lieutenant) A. X. Bulatovich accepted
the offer. The small Djibouti settlement buzzed with the most
diverse rumors and speculation relating to the possible
outcome of undertaking such a journey, which would be immense
for a European. Not knowing the language and the local
conditions, being totally unprepared from this method of
travel -- on camelback -- and the change of climate -- all
this justified the skepticism of the local residents, the
majority of whom did not admit the possibility of a successful
outcome. It is 350-370 versts [233-247 miles] from Djibouti to
Harar. Almost the whole extent of the route runs along very
mountainous and, in part, arid desert, and permits only travel
with a pack animal. (39)
The
decision to dispatch A. X. Bulatovich as a courier was finally
made on April 21. Taking a minimal quantity of the simplest
provisions and only one water skin of water, A. X. Bulatovich
set out on the route, in spite of the fact that on the way he
could count on only two springs, of which one was hot and
mineral.
On
that very day, April 21, at 10 in the evening, A. X.
Bulatovich, accompanied by two guides, left Djibouti. Even
though he had only had a few hours to practice riding on "the
ship of the desert," on the first leg of the journey he went
for 20 hours without stopping. By the end of the following
day, they had covered 100 kilometers. It is impossible here to
describe all the troubles of this fatiguing and monotonous
journey. The distance of greater than 350 versts [233 miles]
A. X. Bulatovich managed in three days and 18 hours, in other
words about 6-18 hours faster than professional native
couriers. (40) In the course of 90 hours spent on the road,
the travelers rested no more than 14. No European up until A.
X. Bulatovich ever achieved such brilliant results. This trek
"made an enormous impression on the inhabitants of Ethiopia.
Bulatovich became a legendary figure. The author [that is F.E.
Krindach] had occasion to hear enthusiastic accounts of this
trek." (41)
However,
Alexander Xavierevich couldn't stay long in Harar. The
detachment, having arrived after him, intended to continue on
the way farther to Entotto when orders came from the Negus to
wait. Since the rainy season was approaching, which threatened
many complications to making further progress, N.K. Shvedov
decided once again to send A. X. Bulatovich ahead, so he could
in person explain the situation and have Menelik change his
order."The immense crossing from Harar to Entotto, about 700
versts [466 miles], despite the difficulty of the route,
Bulatovich accomplished in eight days. It turned out that
Abyssinians, accustomed to Europeans who came to Abyssinia for
the most part chasing after personal profit, couldn't
understand the unselfish purpose of this detachment.
Therefore, several rases were opposed to the arrival of our
detachment in Entotto. Bulatovich's explanation not only
convinced Menelik to expedite the permission, but even
inspired him with impatience for the rapid arrival of the
detachment. ... On July 12 the detachment reached the
residence of the Negus and was met by Bulatovich..." (42)
The
completion of this mission nearly cost Bulatovich his life.
The road from Harrar to Entotto went through the Danakil
Desert. The small caravan (Bulatovich was accompanied by seven
or eight men) was set upon by a band of Danakil bandits who
took all their supplies and mules. By chance, on June 2, 1896,
they were met by N.S. Leontiev, (43) who was going from
Entotto to Harrar. This was the first meeting of two Russian
travelers in Africa. Judging by the words of N.S. Leontiev's
apologist Yu. L. Yelts, Leontiev furnished A. X. Bulatovich
with all necessities and gave him letters of recommendation to
Frenchmen who were living in Entotto in the service of
Menelik. (44)
A
description of the work of the Red Cross Detachment is a
separate subject which has been sufficiently covered in works
and publications which were sited above, and in the stories of
individuals who were members of it. (45)
Even
several Englishmen, who were forced to accept the presence of
Russians in Ethiopia, couldn't help but note that the mission
sent to them rendered "unselfishly and with good will" help to
the wounded. (46) At the end of October 1896, the detachment
curtailed its work and in the first days of January of the
following year, they returned to Petersburg. As for A. X.
Bulatovich, through N.K. Shvedov, he submitted an application
for an excursion "for a better understanding of the
circumstances in Abyssinia at the time the Red Cross
Detachment left the country" and permission to carry out a
journey to little known and unknown regions of western
Ethiopia. He also wanted to go into Kaffa, which was living
out its last days of independent existence.(47) This request
was supported by the Chief of the Asiatic Bureau Chief of
Staff Lieutenant General A. P. Protseko, who noted the energy
of A. X. Bulatovich in striving to as much as possible become
better acquainted with the country, and his knowledge of their
language and also that the information collected would be very
helpful for the further development of relations with
Ethiopia.
Menelik
categorically forbade crossing the borders of his realm, since
this would mean unavoidable death for the traveler. (48) On
Oct. 28, 1986 A. X. Bulatovich was received by the Negus.
Having obtained all necessary permissions, on the following
day he left the capital and with his fellow travelers set out
for the River Baro. (49) This expedition lasted three months.
He returned on Feb. 1, 1987 and then just two weeks later on
Feb. 13 again set out on a trip, this time to Lekemti, and
then to Handek -- a region in the middle course of the River
Angar and its left tributaries and of the valley of the River
Didessa. Here A. X. Bulatovich took part in an elephant hunt
and occupied himself with learning about the country, its
people and the natural conditions. On his return on March 27,
1897, there was prepared for him a ceremonial reception at the
residence of the Negus, who on the following day gave him a
private audience. Leaving the capital on March 25, A. X.
Bulatovich arrived at Harar on April 4, in Djibouti on April
16, from where on April 21 he sailed to Europe.
On
December 6, 1896, A. X. Bulatovich was promoted to lieutenant
with seniority dating back to August 4, (50) and for help of
the Red Cross Detachment; and for his successful expedition he
was awarded the Order of Anna in the third degree. (51)
The
material he had gathered in the time of his trip, he put into
the form of a book, entitled From Entotto to the River
Baro. An account of a journey in north-western
regions of the Ethiopian Empire and published it on
orders of the General Staff. (52) It appeared in September of
that same year 1897. Thus A. X. Bulatovich wrote it in a very
short time.
The
region that Bulatovich went through and described lay to the
west of Addis Ababa, roughly between 8 and 10 degrees northern
latitude. The relief of this region of the Abyssinian plateau
was very complex: mountain ranges branching off from the
heights of Kaffa and Shoa alternate with deep river valleys.
These mountain ranges represent the watershed of tributaries
of the Blue Nile, the Sobat, and the Omo.
The
service that Bulatovich performed consisted in the fact that
he was the first to put on the map a significant part of the
river system of the south-western Abyssinian plateau. He
described it and indicated the sources of many riers. Sure, he made
two mistakes: he identified the upper reaches of the Gibye
River with the upper reaches of the Sobat River and thought
that the Baro and Sobat Rivers joined. These errors were
corrected during his second expedition. (53)
The
reader himself can satisfy himself how diverse and instructive
is the information contained in the first book of A. K.
Bulatovich. Of course, not everything he describes is the
result of his own observations; some was gleaned from the
works of other travelers and historians. But many of the facts
brought together by A. K. Bulatovich have have lasting value
for the study of the history and of the way of life of several
peoples of Ethiopia, such as the Galla. He accurately recorded
the formation among them of feudal relationships.
Naturally,
A. K. Bulatovich was interested in the state of the Ethiopian
army. He dedicated a series of pages to military organization,
armaments, and tactics, which given the politics situation at
the time, were, of course, pressingly important. For the
historian, they have not lost interest even today.
For
the publication of A. K. Bulatovich's book, the General Staff
commissioned Colonel S. V. Kozlov to do an analysis of it. This review,
published as a separate brochure, not intended for sale and
now very rare,(54) deserves that we look at it in detail. Reading it, it is
difficult to avoid the impression that this is one-sided
excessively critical and, possibly, the work of a reviewer
with a well-known prejudice, far from just and fair. Setting
aside the evaluation of
what was more current, in other words the personal
observations and discoveries of the author, which the reviewer
only mentions in passing, S. V. Koslov in the most detailed
fashion dwells on the fact that the book of A. K. Bulatovich
by far is not the most important and complete study of the
ancient period of Ethiopian history, on chronological errors,
on mistakes in transcription of Ethiopian words and proper
names, and in these matters, incidentally, the reviewer
himself is far from strong. Blaming the author -- and doing so
energetically -- for ignorance of the literature and for
mistakes on matters that examined
even today are still far from being resolved, such for
instance as the ethnogenesis of the ancient Egyptians,
Ethippians (Cushites), and Semites. S. V. Kozlov himself cited
literature that at his time already was not the last word of
science (G. Ebers, F. Lenorman and others). On the other hand,
S. V. Kozlov left unmentioned serious specialized studies not
that jad beem released not long before and that directly
touched on those questions. (55)
Of
course, A. K. Bulatovich, not having specialized preparation
and not having at his disposal enough free time to deepen his
knowledge in the area of ancient history (he was getting ready
for the next expendition) made some mistakes and inaccurate
definitions, but those should not have been the focus of the
attention of the reviewer. S. V. Kozlov failed to notice what
was most important -- the contribution of the author to the
study of the orography [physical geography dealing with
mountains] of the southwestern part of Ethiopia, several
regions of which he, as already noted, for the first time put
on the map.
Nevertheless,
S. Kozlov in his "Conclusion" admits that "in view of the
personal talents of the author (i.e., A. K. Bulatovich) and
his great power of observation," he managed in a relatively
short time "to gather some interesting information..." (56)
After
the annexation of Kaffa, Menelik did not stop striving to
secure the southern and southwestern boundaries of his
possessions, which, as he declared, included the territory
north of 2 degrees north latitude (now they, in general, do
not extend farther south than 4 degrees north latitude) and
reached to the right bank of the Nile. (57) In order to
strengthen the claim of Ethiopia, the Negus, counting on the
support of Russia and France and hoping that Britan had its
hands tied in its war with the Boers, began to actively
prepare for an expedition to seize disputed regions. Three
armies equipped by him were supposed to set out at the
beginning of 1898.
At
the end of 1897, Russia and Ethiopia reached an agreement for
establishing diplomatic relations. An extraordinary mission,
under the leadership of P. M. Vlasov set out from Petersburg
to Addis Ababa. Attached to this mission, Colonel of the
General Staff L. K. Artamonov was commissioned to compile a
military-statistical descriptionof Ethiopia. (58) The convoy,
consisting mostly of Cossacks, (59) was commanded by A. K.
Bulatovich, aside from whom the staff of the missions only
included a few officers. The head of the Red Cross mission
General Shvedov gave his positive testimonial in a personal
letter to A. P. Protenko. He, by his own acknowlegement, used
for outfitting the military part of the mission "the personal
explanations and reports of Lieutenant Bulatovich." (60)
To
safeguard the reception of the mission and to notify the Negus
of its imminent arrival,A. K. Bulatovich left Petersburg
eearlier than the others -- September 10, 1897. (61) A. K.
Bulatovich was accompanied, at his request, by Private of the
Life-Guard Hussar Regiment Zelepuki, a devoted and courageous
companion who shared with him all the burden and adversity.
(62)
On
his arrrival in Addis Ababa A. K. Bulatovich learned of
Meneliks intention to annex to Ethiopia regions lying to the
north of Lake Rudolph. For that, Ras Waldle Georgis was
setting out for there with his army from the recently
conquered Kaffa. Menelik expressed the desire that the Russian
officer accompany him.
Meanwhile,
the mission of P. M. Vlasov, which set sail from Odessa on
October 19, because of all possible procrastinations and
complications, basically provoked by the malevolence of
colonial European powers, was detained in Djibouti. A. K.
Bulatovich, in order to take part in the expedition to Lake
Rudolph, needed to obtain permission from the head of the
mission whose arrival in the capital had been delayed.
Therefore of his own volition and enterprise Alexander
Xavierevich decided to go to meet the mission, not fearing the
difficult and long, though already known route. But let's
present his own words. Hee is what he wrote on his return to
Adds Ababa on December 26, 1897 to the head of the asiatic
section of the General Staff Lieutenant General A. P.
Protsenko: "The only obstacle... was that I could not go
without the permission of our envoy, and at that time there
was no information about where he wasI had no choice be to go
to meet him as quickly as possible even if I had to go all the
way to Djibouti, which I did. I decided to make this trip on
November 26, by which time I had worked out the plan of the
whole campaign. On November 27 I left for Harar, where I
arrived in six days. The embassy was already in Djibouti. I
stayed in Harar for twenty-four hours, changed men, hiring two
servants, bought two fresh animals and, setting out on the
next day, after four days met the embassy six hours outside of
Djibouti, from which they had already started. This was
December 8. Having stayed with them for two days, on December
10, having taken two fresh mules and three fresh servants, I
started back to Addis Ababa, with the permission of the envoy,
and on December 20, after 10 days, I delivered this letter to
Menelik, who was startled by how quickly I had made the trip
and called me 'a bird.' In 23 days I had gone to Djibouti and
back of which three days were for stop-overs; in other words
in 20 days I went 1600 versts [1060 miles]. Tomorrow, December
27, I should set out to catch up with the army of the ras."
(63) A. K. Bulatovich gave P. M. Vlasov a thorough and rich in
content written
report about the political situation in Abyssinia and the
intrigues of England, Italy, and France. (64)
The
mission after a long and exhausting trip finally arrived on
February 4 1898 in Addis Ababa, where Menelik was impatiently
expecting them, having arranged for the Russian diplomats a
ceremonial reception such as no other embassy had ever been
awarded. (65)
A.
K. Bulatovich really had to move fast: the detachment of Wolde
Georgis was getting ready to set out any day, and to Andrachi
-- the capital of Kaffa -- where the residence of the race was
located, the route was not short, and A. K. Bulatovich, and in
spite of exhaustion, after hisaudience with the Negus he had
to once again get on the road. He tells about this trip in
detail himself, and there is very little left to add to his
narrative. But to understand the importance of the study he
did of Kaffa and of the regions that bordered it to the
southwest, one must briefly take note of what was known about
this country up until the book of A. K. Bulatovich was
published.
The
state of Kaffa arose probably at the end of the 13th century.
It was founded by the Gonga people, which from that time
started to call itself Kaffa. About the ancient history of
this people, the place of their original residence and the
paths they wandered, was saved only by vague legends in the
oral tradition. The king was considered the supreme owner of
all the land and all property and all were his subjects.
Therefore we can say that in Kaffa as in several other
medieval states of Africa there existed an early-class society
with the despotic rule of a deified king, as is characteristic
for it. Slavery was relatively wide spread, especially among
the nobility. Rulers and princelings of tribes and
nationalities subdued by the king of Kaffa considered
themselves his vassals and paid a fixed tribute. Not without
the influence of neighboring Ethiopia, they adopted feudal
relationships in the most primitive form .
Striving
to strengthen the existing order, government workers with at
their head the king
and
the council of seven elders --representatiopposed ves of the
most distinguished families (the so-called "mikirecho) -- with
all their strength the penetration of any outside influences.
Trade could only take place in the specially designated for it
city of Bonga, and then only with the permission of the king.
The whole country was surrounded by a fence with watch towers.
This
is why the first information about Kaffa only reached Europe
in the sixteenth century. In essence, this was only the name
of the capital -- "Cafa."The Portugese Balthasar Tellezwrote
about it in a history of Ethiopia published in 1660.
He used the reports of his compatriot Jesuit missionary Father
Antonio Fernandez, who in 1613 visted lands that neighbored
Kaffa, not going, however to its borders. After that Europeans
forgot about ti. The silence lasted a hundred and thirty
years. At the end of the eighteenth century the well-known
English traveler James Bruce, having found the area of the
sources of the Blue Nile, mentioned Kaffa and described his
travels and reported some details about it.
In
the middle of the nineteenth century the location of Kaffa had
been more or less accurately indicated on maps. The Frenchman
T. Lefevre, who lived for many years in Ethiopia, tried to
reckon up all (but in truth wht amounted to very little) that
was up to that time known about Kaffa, primarily from asking
Ethiopians who had beenthere.
Finally,
in 1843, Antooine d'Abbadie, a prominent French explorer of
Ethiopia, who traveled for 12 years in that country and made
many discoveries about it, crossed the secret borders of
Kaffa. His stay in the forbidden kingdom lasted eleven days,
and he never penetrated beyond Bongo. But in this brief time
he made valuable geodesic observations. In addition, he
gaathered some information about Kaffa during his long travels
in Ethiopia. (66)
For
almost two years (from October 1859 to August 1861) a monk of
the Cappuchin order lived there. He later became Cardinal G.
Massai, the head of a Catholic mission. However, the excessive
zeal they showed in trying to "save the souls" of the local
people prompted the then reigning king to kick Massai out of
the country. After he became cardinal, Massi wrote twelve
volumes about his stay in Ethiopia. Of those only one was
devoted to Kaffa, its inhabitants, and their customs and ways
of life. (67) These writings, done from memory (the journals
of Massai were lost), have significant value, as they tell of
those years when Kaffa had not yet lost its independent.
Capitan
A. Chekki and Engineer Kyarini after an exhausting, very
dangerous journey arrived at the region of Gera to the north
of Kaffa. Here they were detained. With difficulty, combining cleverness
and force, they succeeded in freeing themselves. In June of
1879 they over the course of a week walked through the
northern region of the country and avoiding Bonga, penetrated
yp the region of Kor, which was located to the northwest of
Kaffa. Not able
to endure the difficulties of the trip, Kyarini died in
October of that year. As for A. Chekki, he prublished a
descripton of Kaffa and its inhabitants. The account even
included a grammar of the Kaffa language. (68)
One
of the few Europeans who succeeded in visited this almost
legendary country in the last years before the end of its
independence was the Frenchman P. Soleillet. But his stay in
Kaffa losted only ten days (in the middle of December 1883)
and was limited to just the northern outskirts. Nervertheles,
P. Soleillet was lucky enogh to catch sight of something that
after him no one else saw -- Kaffa in all its ancient
splendor. He published his impressions and observations for
the first time in the journal of the geographic society of
Rouen, and then published a separate book which today is very
rare. (69)
So,
at the end of the nineteenth centruy only five Europpeains had
managed to visit Kaffa: three Italians and two Frenchmen. only
G. Massai could stay there more than two weeks, but no one
managed to penetrate to the depth of the country. They could
only acquaint themselves with the outskirts, primarily the the
northern outskirts.
This
is why A. K. Bualtovich could for good reason call himself
"the first to pass through" Kaffa. It is true that he saw this
amazing country after it was devastated and ravaged, with
wounds that had not yet scarred, inflicted on them by their
conquerors. when they had not yet forgotten the events of war
-- only a few months had passed since the Kaffa were
subjugated by Menelik, but the memories were still vivid of
the old traditions, customs, and the way of life. Therefore,
Bulatovich could gather such information which later
travellers would not be able to because it was no longer in
existence. This is why the material gathered by him is one of
the basic sources of knowledge about the istory and
ethnography of Kaffa.
On
June 5, 1898, Bulatovich returned to Addis Ababa and after
nine days set out by courier to Petersburg, where he stayed
until the end of July.
According
to his words, during the time of his second trip to Ethiopia,
not counting crossings by railroad and steam ship, he covered
about eight thousand versts (5300 miles), over the course of
which there were only four more or less lengthy stops
amounting to a total of 69 days. He was on the go for 211
days, having spent a significant amount of his own money --
about five thousand rubles. (70)
The
reports of Bulatovich, which only partially -- together with
diplomatic considerations -- were represented in the book
"With the Armies of Menelik II," contained very valuable
historical information about the political and military
situation that arose in Ethiopia n the closing years of the
nineteenth century. P. M. Vlasov more than once used those
reports in his communiques to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Not without reason, he wrote there presenting "the full report
of Lieutenant... Bulatovich about his nearly five-month stay
in the southern detachment of the Ethiopian army, with which
he succeeded in going to Lake Rudolph and shared all the
burdens, hardships, and dangers of that journey, undertaken in
completely unknown, and never before discoveredded country...
The said officer... had to deny himself all of the most
necessary things, even including normal food and submited
himself extremely difficult for Europeans regimen. It is
important to give Lieutenant Bulatovich credit: over the
course of this journey he showed himself as a Russian officer
of the best kind, and clearly demonstrated to the Ethiopians,
how capable the valiant Russian army could be, selflessly
devoted to its duty, a brilliant representative of which he
appears among them..." (71).
And
A. K. Bulatovich managed all his commissions, including
diplomatic ones, superbly.When in the spring of 1898, P. M.
Valsov noticed some colling of Menelik toward Russia, not
without basis attrubuted by him to intrigues of some European
advisors (for example, A. Ilg), who were not at all interested
in the strengthening of the influence of Russian diplomats, A.
K. Bulatovich in his next audience with the Negus, using his
knowledge of the Amharic language, in the absence of A. Ilg
cleared up the situation and made certain that this was the
last action of that mission. (72) As testimony to the prowess
of A. K. Bulatovich and his service to Ethiopia ws the highest
military honor -- a golden shield and saber, given to him by
Ras Wolde Georgis, and that was approved by the Negus, who in
an official announcement to P. M. Vlasov on June 14, 1898 said
about the Russian officer: "I sent Alexander Bulatovich to war
with Ras Wolde Georgis. What
Wolde Georgis wrote to me about his behavior delighted me. The
content was as follows: 'going there and returning he [i.e.,
Bulatovich] thought of everything for the journey; I gave him
men and he crossing all lands and all mountains never said "I
am tired today and have to rest; if he left in the evening, he
returned at night when we returned; he was surrounded by
enemies, what he had to do was difficult.... I thought with
grief that he would die, but the Lord of Menelik returned him
safely. I saw but do not know such a man as he, a strong
creature who is indefatiguable...' Ras Wolde Georgis wrote
that he would be happy to give Bulatovich his good saber,; and
I permitted him to give Bulatovich this saber and I will be
very happy if you officially confirm that permission from his
native land." (73) And his native land valued him as well, as
witnessed by the award of the Order of Stanislaw in the second
degree. Besides which he was promoted to staff-rotmister with
seniority dating fromApril 5 1898. (74)
As
soon as he arrived in Petersburg -- July 30, 1898 -- A. K.
Bulatovich presented to the Minister of Foreign Affairs Count
M. N. Muraviev a detailed written report in which he
characterized the situation in Ethiopia and pointed out the
benefits that Russia could reap from permanent friendly
relations with that country. (75) M. N. Murqaviev found that
the information provided by A. K. Bulatovich "can have serious
significance in the future," and ordered that this written
report to be sent to the War Minister A. N. Kuropatkin, and
likewise tothe Russian ambassadors to Paris, London,
Constantinople and the diplomatic agent in Cairo. (76)
Kuropatikin, although he found the report "interesting," did
not agree to support its suggestions, thinking that Russia
"for a long time avoid interfering in African affairs." (77)
A.
K. Bulatovich stayed in Petersburg until March 10 1899, when
he was once again sent to Ethiopia at the personal request of
Minister of Foreign Affairs M. N. Muraviev, who wroe about
this to A. N. Kuropatkin: "... the named officer succeded in
proving himself in the most brilliant way during his journeys
to the borders of Ethiopia... he completely familiarized
himself with the local customs and ways he learned the
language of the country with which he is fluent, and he shows
rare powers of endurance, bravery, and presence of mind,
and... finally, with all his qualities he managed to earn the
respect of Abyssinian commanders and the trust of the Negus
himself, who was especially well disposed toward him and for
whom the choice of Lieutenant Bulatovich would be above all
agreeable. (78) But also before his departure on January 13
1899, at the general meeting of the Russian Geographical
Society A. K. Bulatovich delivered an "interesting report,"
entitled "From Abyssinia Through the Country of Kaffa to Lake
Rudolph," which hen was published in "News of the Russian
Geographical Society." (79) Then he finished his principal
work "With the Armies of Menelik II," which was published next
in 1900. In the opinion of the well-known learned geogapher
Yu. M. Shokalskiy, as a result of the discoveries made by A.
K. Bulatovich "there appeared not only geographical
descriptions of localities and ethnographic collections, but a
new map of the countries traversed, establishing on the basis
of surveys, carried out by the traveler himself, based on 34
astonomical points, determined by the traveler." (80) By
declaration of the Division of Geographical Mathematics and
Physical Geography, A. K. Bulatovich was awarded the small
silver medal. (81)
Thus,
the works of A. K. Bulatovich immediately received the
recognition of specialists. As for the opinion of the press,
represented by two reviews, the judgement of the censors
differed. "Russian Thought" (82) one of the most solid and
widely circulated "thick" journals, instead of just approving,
spoke out about
the book and the scientific contributions of the author
recognizing the value of his discoveries and observations in
the area of geography and ethnography: "The descriptions of
the actions of Abyssinian armies and what A. K. Bulatovich has
to say about them as a military specialist are of significant
interest."The reviewer furthermore mentions that the author,
having chosen the form of a diary account and having
"documentary truth... goes into detail, reporting a mass of
uninteresting information and petty facts." It is difficult to
agree with this: the accuracy and documentary nature
significantly raises the scientific importance of A. K.
Bulatovich's book. This anonymous reviewer approaches the book
as if it were a work of fiction.
Another
journal "God's World" gave instead of a critique with a
serious judgement of the book, published under the initials of A. B. Podmeniv a
light-weight mocking and cheap demogagic piece, that shows a
complete absence of feeling for history and scientific
objectivity. Having taken notice only of "the work of Menelik
in the destruction of peoples surrounding Abyssinia," the
description of which supposedly "makes up the full content" of
A. K. Bulatovich's diary, the reviewer completely does not
investigate carefully the historical meaning of the events,
despite the fact that it was precisely explained at the very
beginning of the book. In the reviewer's opinion, "Bulatovich
not only approves" the "simplified politics of Menelik" but
"also contrasts it to the 'corrupting' politics of the English
and other civilizing peoples." Thus, a weak critic who did not
understand anything, exctually praises the colonizing
political "of the cultured imperialist powers, who were
striving to take in hand not only the tribes wo are neighbors
of Ethiopia, but Ethipia itself. About the discoveries of A.
K. Bulatovich and
what he did for science the reviewer doesn't even mention. And
it is "shameful" not for "Russian readers, who the author...
asks to sympathize with the intentions of Abyssinian
politics," but for the reviewer himself , who is so limited
and silly.
The
work of this Russian traveler was also valuable to specialists
in the West. Friedrich Bieber, who was and remains the mos
profound expert on the exploration of Kaffa, wrote:
"The
first European who entered the country of Kaffa after it was
conquered and annexed and who could freely travel in it was a
Russian, A. K. Bulatovich, a captain in the Tsar's Life-Guard
Regiment. A. K. Bulatovich published a book about journey ,
with many rare illustrations and a large map. Unfortunately
for non-Russians it is inaccessible. In it he provides
detailed reports about the country and the population of
Kaffa." (84) F. Bieber directly acknowledges that he borrowed
from A. K. Bulatovich some information, for example regarding
the conquest of Kaffa. (85) However, F. Bieber was primarly
interested in Kaffa itself, and therefore his evaluation is
one-sided. The work of the Russian traveler contains valuable
and abundant material for the history and ethnogaphy of all of
Ethiopia. Besides, He made a series of geogaphical
discoveries, about which one must say something about the
priority of A. K. Bulatovich which in several instances were
disputed in detail in Italy. (86)
The
regions that A. K. Bulatovich visited in two journeys were
very little known and studied, above all Kaffa and the lower
course of the Omo River. His first work -- "From Entoto to the
River Baro" -- contains a detailed orographic hydrographic
characterization of the southwest part of the Abyssinian
plateau. So, several mountain ranges located in the regions of
Didessa and Gaba, where the heights of Kaffa turn into the
plateau of Shoa. He was the first to make a detailed map and
to describe the region of the basin of teh tributaries of the
Blue Nile -- the Gudar and Didessa Rivers, and likewise the
tribuary of the Sobat -- the Baro River. He very accurately
showed their sources.
Actually,
right up to the last decade of the nineteenth century the
region to the southwest from Kaffa to Lake Rudolph remained
almost unexplored, and the representations of the River Omo
were very confused and vague. The expeditions to these places
of of D. Smith in
1894-1895 and V. Bottego in 1896
did
not bring clarity.
Only
A. K. Bulatovich, who was the first to compile a detailed map
of this extensive area and determined astronomically a series
of points that showed conclusively that the Omo River does not
have any relationship with the Sobat River, nor with the basin
of the Nile in general. The sources of the Omo are found on
the eastern slopes of the mountain range, which he gave the
name Nikoas II. (87) Up until A. K. Bulatovich this mountain
range, evidently, only A. d'Addadi, P. Soleillet and A. Chekki
could have observed that mountain range from afar, but not one
of them reached it. I. V. Bottego at the time of his
secondjourney, from which he was not destined to return,
following the left bank of the Omo, saw these mountains.
However he didn't cross them, despite the assertions of D.
Ronkali, as Krhmer correctly explains. (88) Ronkali noted at
the time, in contradiction to the known state of affairs, that
"separate false remarks of Rotmister Bulatovich -- as a result
of ignorance of the history of the discovery of these
regions." However, the Rusian explorer, as we just saw, was
familiar with the latest literature. But, of course, working
on his book, he also could not know about the results of the
journey of V. Bottego, the description of which was published
at the same time as his. (89) However, this doesn't change
anything. A. K. Bulatovich was well informed about the route
by which V. Bottego and his fellow-travelers followed, and
also one of them, Kh. Kavendish, compiled a march on which he
noted their route. (90) Thus A. K. Bulatovich was not only
sufficiently knowledgeable about speicialized literature, but
also took account of the accomplishments of other travelers,
the contributions ofwhom, as is clearlyl visible on the map,
he did not want to and could not ascribe to himself.
V.
Bottego reached the mouth of the Omo on August 30 1896, (91)
in other words half a year before A. K. Bulatovich, on March
26 1898, saw Lake Rudolph at the place where that river flows
into it. But if youi compare the maps compiled by both
travelers, the result will by far not be useful to the
Italian: the mountains on the right (western) bank are
indicated on his map in the most general outlines, noting the
closest northern bank of Lake Rudolph. (92) The route of V.
Bottego differs from the path taken by A. K. Bulatovich.
Having proceeded to the south along the western bank of the
lake, V. Bottego and his fellow travellers turned back northto
the Shashi River and along it went to the Sobat River,
indicating all this on the map very generally and
schematically. Besides -- and in the present case this is
essential -- A. K. Bulataovich was the first to cross the
northern spurs of the mountain range between the Umom and
Didessa Rivers on November 16 1896, (93) and then corssed
these mountains in different directions, having established a
series of astronomical points, and produced a survey of the
route, which mae it possible to establish the first detailed
map of this extensive and almost unknown region. His
observations and map showed that the designated mountain range
served as the watershed between the basin of the Nile and Lake
Rudolph, and the northern spurs form the watershed of the
Rivers Didessa, Gaba, Baro,and others. A. K. Bulatovich
discovered several new moutain peaks and defined more
precisely the location of others, that had been mistakenly
located by D. Smith. That is why he had every reason to
declare in his lecture: "I was the first European to proceed
through these regions and to discover the real mountain range.
I crossed that mountain range at several places, climbed to
sevearl of its peaks, and walked along its crest." (94) Thus,
having explored a region that no one else had described, which
lies between 7 degrees north latitude and Lake Rudolph and
between the Omo River and the Nile, A. K. Bulatovich mad a
large contribution to the physical geography of the
southwestern part of Ethiopia; in additionm he gathered data
valuable for the characterization of the climate of that
region, for which he "carried out a vertical zonal analysis of
the climate and the change of climatic zones depending on the
height of the relief." (95)
The
works of A. K. Bulatovich have no less significance for the
history and ethnography of Ethiopia, especiallly in the second
half of the nineteenth century. (96) It is extraordinarily
important that A. K. Bulatovoich wrote not from memory, and
that he systematically kept a diary. Of course, it would be
foolish not to evaluate his opinions, his decisions, his
descriptions, his method of exposition from the point of view
of the present-day level of science, and to criticize him for
methodological mistakes. A. K. Bulatovich was by his world
view an idealist. But he was intelligent, observant, totally
honest; he soberly evaluated the facts and was able to analyze
them, he sometimes arrived at conclusions hat would bring
honor to a presentday marxist historian. Moreover, he
correctly realized the historical necessity of the conquest of
Kaffa and the neighboring regions. A. K. Bulataovich
recognizes that the unification of the country had to cost
thousands of human lives. And if he he at times because of
insufficient specialized knowledge and preparation,and
likewise as a result of lack methodological strength he
simplifies the ancient and medieval history of Ethiopia,
nevertheless he very accurately and penetratingly explains the
goals and political missions of the colonial powers in Africa
and, in particular, in Ethiopia. (97)
Everything
that A. K. Bulatovich wrote is imbued with a true sympathy for
Ethiopians. He emphasizes their bravery, their love of their
native land, their pride. Ture, sometimes he gets carried away
and excessively idealizes some statesmen, for instance Wolde
Georgis, who for all his
wisdom, administrative abilitie, and politcal farsightedness,
was only of the quality of an eastern despot.
Particularly
interesting
are his remarks about the nature of slavery, which had been
abolished by Menelik II, but in fact still existed a thte end
of the nineteenth century, in particular among the Galla,
where the sphere of application of the work of slaves was not
just limited to the household. The books of A. K. Bulatovich
very clearly show the peculiar social-economic and state
structure of Ethiopia at that time. Here, in the centralized
feudal state that had been formed, were interwoven survivals
of the communal-clan structure and eastern slave-owning
despotism. If, as it is clearly shown in the book "From Entoto
to the River Baro," the process of feudalization had not yet
finished, then among the more advanced people (for instance
the Amhara), it had already almost come to an end. Of course,
one must take into account the author's terminology. For
example, he speaks of "republican" and "monarchic" sicuak
structure among individual Galla tribes, have in mind various
stages of development of the clan-tribe system. But what is
important, of course, isn't the terminology, but the facts
presented by him and the very logical conclusions he makes on
the basis of them. The historian and the ethnograph will find
information about the status of artisans and peasants, and
about the origin of a new social stratum of merchants as a
result of the invluence of European capital, and about the
religion and way of life of various tribes.; in particular,
there is very curious maerial showing the influence of
folklore on Ethipian hagioraphy, the descripotin of little
known tribes living in the region of the lower course of the
Omo and the northern banks of Lake Rudolph, and also much
more. All of this
gives the book of A. K. Bulatovich the significance of an
indispensible first source, that was so recognized by such
authorities as Academic I. Yu. Krachikovskiy: "A.
Bulatovich... left a large footprint in science with a series
of printed works, connected with multiple journeys through
Abyssinia. His vivid observations have undoubted importance,
and the ethnographic material collected by him has been highly
valued in our day, all the more so since Bulatovich visited
regions which had been inaccessible to other travelers... His
advantage relative to many other Russian travelers derived
from his fluency in the spoken Amharic language... In his
books Bulatovich included considerable information about the
spoken languages of Ethiopia." (98)
Having
relentlessly suppressed the uprising of the Mahdi in the
Sudan, the English continued to quickly pushed forward to the
north, approaching the recently established western borders of
Ethiopia. The English did not abandon their plan to unify by
railroad its possessions in Wouth Africa and in the Sudan. To
acomplish this they would need to seize the regioin of
Beni-Shangul, which had been annexed to the possessions of the
Negus after the campaign of Wolde Georgis, and also regions
adjacent to Lake Rudolph, and a significant part of the basin
of Sobata, Baro, and Juba. The English did not even try to
hide its intentions, as is evident from conversation on
Febrtuary 19, 1899 between P. M. Vlasov and the the
represenataive of Britain in Addis Ababa Harrington. (99)
However, to bring these plans to realilty, they had to
strengthen themselves in the Sudan, without which they could
not begin a war with Ethiopia. Such was the firm opinion of
the Russian diplomat, that he plainly told Menelik, advising
him to stand firm and not submit to the threats of the
English. However, the Negus himself was sufficiently
decisively deposed and answered the threats and blackmail of Harrington that
with weapons in hand he would defend his possessions. (100)
The French supported him in this: at the end of February 1899
the mission of Major Marchand arrived in Addis Ababa.
At
the height of these events, A. K. Bualtovich was on the way to
Addis Ababa, where he once again was supposed to act under the
orders of Addis AQbaba, On the road to the capital, where A.
K. Bulatovich arrived on May 14, 1899, at 20 versts [33 miles]
from Harar, he met Marchand, who was making way with his
fellow travelers to Jibuti. Marchand told A. K. Bulatovich
that the English intended to attack Ethiopia in 1900, which he
later reported to P. M. Vlasov. (101)
When
the English pushed forward directly to the region of
Beni-Shangul, Menlik sent there Dajazmatch Demissew, the ruler of Wollega,
with a detachment of five thousand men, ordering him to
advance to Fazogla. On June 26 1899, (102) A. K. Bulatovich
went to the Dajazmatch, having received instructions from P.
M. Vlasov.( 103) and also with a letter from the Negus, in
which he instructed Demissew to show the Russian officer
complete cooperation in carrying out his assignment of
organizing the defense of the border. On July 6, A. K.
Bulatovich arrived at the residence of the Dajazmatch,
the city of Desetu, where a ceremonial reception had been
prepared for him, with an honorary guard of fifty men. Then A.
K. Bulatovich, with letters to all the garrison commanders in
Beni-Shangul, and accompanied by a detachment of porters,
advanced further. Reports sent from the road provided him with
information that enabled him to quickly and accurately orient
himself to the political situation, so he could work out an
effecitve plan for protecting the integrity of Ethiopia
territory from the claims of the English, who were using tribes
inhabiting Beni-Shangul to advance their aims. Measures taken on
the spot and the disposition in case of invasion of the
aggressor A. K. Bulatovich considered unsuccessful and he so
informed P. M. Vlasov. A. K. Bultaovich insisted that it was
necessary in order to reinforce the border against invasion by
the enemy, to move forward troops, to seize the main strategic
points, to strengthen garrisons and to take care of the
communications and the security of the border army was
essential, becasue the English had at their disposal very
convenient waterways. (104)
Going from place to place, A. K. Bulatovich
continued to study the situation in Beni-Shangul, and the
regioins of Fazogl and Dul, combining purely military
observations with scientific research, making a systematic map
of the area and determining
astronomical points, for which he managed to climb to
mountain tops. So, for example, on October23, 1899, he climbed
Mount Bochacha. This journey abounded in difficulties and
dangers. It took place during the rainy season. At a time when
the Ethiopians themselves recognized the impossibility of
travel, A. K. Bulatovich and his fellow-travellers "succeeded in
struggling with the most difficult climatic conditions, with
disease, and even with starvation." During an elephant hunt, an
enraged she-elephant attacked A. K. Bulatovich; his gun
misfired. (105) His life was saved by soldier-hussar Kapnin who
kept his head, and whose bravery and and exemplary conduct
Bulatovich emphasized petitioning for a decoration for him.
(106)
The content of the reports that P. M. Vlasov
received both written reports and at audiences given to the
Negus, who "went into raptures and was amazed by the work of A.
K. Bultaovich, whose iron-like energy, power of endurance and
familiarity with every hardship, knowledge of military matters
and extraordinary courage, that overcome all obstacles and and
dangers." (107) P. M. Vaslov repoted o the ministry in
Petersbug: "... it is impossible not to notice that this officer
in his latest mission as in the two pervious ones, completely
retained among the Abyssinians placed under him the fully
deserved reputation of
a splendid dashing cavalryman, indefatiguable, fearless, and
selflessly devoted to his duty, and furthermore demonstrated in
the most brilliant way not only to the Abyssinians but also to
Eurpeans who are here that an officer reared in a Russian school
and having the high honor of being in the ranks of the imperial
guard is capable of such feats of selflessness." (108)
A.
K. Bulatovich returened to Addis Ababa on October 24, 1899.
(109) His dispatches caught the attention of Menelik, and he
asked P. M. Vlasov to present to him a detailed report about
the military and political situation on the wesern border.
This report, compiled by A. K. Bulatovich and translated to
the Amharic language, was personally given to the Negus in
November. (110)
Actually,
this detailed, circumstantial and wise memorandum of A. K.
Bulatovich thoroughly considered and analyzed many aspects of
the way of life of the peoples who inhabited the western
border region of Ethiopia, their social order and style of
life, their temperament and tendency for further development,
that in the given politcal situation was essential for defense
adn in the future could have great significance for the
srengthening the internal position and consolidating the
country. In this report he unequivocally emphasized that the
most dangerous and fundamental enemy of he country was
England, which had already in the time of Negus Tewodros tried
to take possession of Ethiopia. Now it once again from the
southwest, from Uganda, and from the northwest, from the
Sudan, threatens Beni-Shangul and the longs of the Galla, that
by agreement with Italy belonged to the regions of Shoa,
Gojjam and Tigre, accoring to the amicable partition of the
country. He must not believe that evidently suborned advisors
who whisper to the Negus that the English have the most
peaceloving intentions and definiely would not fight with
anyone. He must prepare for war. For this, first of all it was
necessary to reorganize the army, where still completely
reigned a feudal order, and the system for protecting it; to
regulate the system of collection of taxes with the aim of
increasing them; to separate local military administrtion from
local civil administration, in order to weaken the local
rulers; to prhibit them from maintaining personal troops above
a strickly established number of soldiers. All these
enumerated measures would significantly strengthen the
miliary, political and financial power of the Negus and
undermining the foundation of the feudl order would benefit
the establishment of a single, strong, central govenrment,
capable of defending its independence from the encroachments
of colonial powers.
The
conversation of Menelik with A. K. Bulatovich, discussing the
report he had prepared, took place face-to-face, in the
presence of only the personal secretary of the Negus Gabro
Sellassie, (111) since Menelik prudently sent away his
retinue. Immediately understanding the significance of the
proposed reforms, he ardently thanked Bulatovich, saying:
"Your advice comes from the heart." (112)
Some
of the measures proposed by A. K. Bulatovich, were already in
place, for example the reoganization of the civil
administration and the strengthening of the borders. Other
advice Menelik urgently made use of, in particular he
increased the strength of the army.
A.
K. Bulatovch used his next stay in the western regioins of
Ethiopia for new geogaphical and ethnogrphic studies, the
results of which up until now, unfortunately, have not been
published. In truth, A. K. Bulatovich never succeeded in
putting them into shape. However, from the materials preserved
in the archives of the All-Union Geographical Society, he made
more than 80 observations to determine astronomical points
between Addis Ababa and Fazogla, evidently wiht the aim of
making maps of this region, judging from the sketches of maps
and quick notes that accompany them. (113) Extremely interesting,
based on his own observerations the report about slavery in
the eastern regioins of the Sudan, who it, in his opinion, was
the basis of the economic structure, and in the western
regions of Ethoipia, where slavery was preserved as a
surviving structure of gradually displaced feudal relations. The work of slaves was
employed primarily in the households of the aristocracy. (114)
Returning
to Russia, A. X. Bulatovich intended to pass through the Sudan
and Egypt. But the English Resident in Egypt, Lord Cromer, at
first absolutely refused to grant permission for passage,
claiming this was because of "disorder in of the region."
However, the true reason was different: Harrington, the
representative of England in Addis Ababa, "had already for a
long time considered Staff-Rotmister Bulatovich as a very
energetic and knowledgeable man whom the English should beware
of." Naturally, they didn't want to let into the Sudan this
wise, experienced, and observant traveler, who could bring
back for the use of Ethiopia any information he gathered. Only
under pressure of the Russian general consul in Cairo, T.S.
Koyander, was Lord Cromer forced to give permission for he
passage of A. X. Bulatovich through the Sudan. But it was
already too late. He set out for his native land by the route
he had taken previously, intending to visit Jerusalem and then
Iran and Kurdistan. (115) However, he was forbidden to travel
to both of these countries by the Minister of War, A.N.
Kuropatkin. (116)
Stopping
by at his mother's residence in Lutsikovka, A. X. Bulatovich
returned to Petersburg at the beginning of May 1900. But this
time, too, his stay in his native land turned out to be brief
-- even shorter than before. On June 23, 1900, in accord with
personal instructions of the Tsar to the Chief of Staff, he
was sent to Port Arthur to the command of the
Commander-in-Chief of Kwantung Province, for attachment to one
of the cavalry or Cossack units operating in China. (117) What
gave rise to this assignment is not known. Probably, the
hurried departure prevented A. X. Bulatovich from reworking
and publishing his notes from his third journey that he had
brought back with him from Ethiopia. Subsequently, he never
returned to those notes, and one must suppose that a
significant part of them perished together with the rest of
his papers.
At
the completion of military activities, on July 8, 1901, A. X.
Bulatovich returned to his regiment. After a month, he was
assigned, at first temporarily, and then permanently, (118) to
command the Fifth Squadron. On April 14, 1902, he was promoted
to the rank of "rotmister" [Captain of cavalry]. He was also
awarded the Order of Anna of the Second Degree with Swords and
the Order of Saint Vladimir of the Fourth Degree with Swords
and a Bow. (119) On August 21, 1902, there followed permission
to accept and wear the Order of the Legion of Honor (120) that
had been conferred on him by the French government. At that
time, too, he finished, with first-class grades, an
accelerated course at the First Pavloskiy War College.
A
brilliant military career awaited the intelligent, talented,
courageous guard officer. But after returning from Manchuria,
the life of A. X. Bulatovich suddenly changed. The events of
the last decade of his life are still far from clear. A few
separate episodes and dates show through more or less
distinctly, but even those were established only recently. It
remains to hope that subsequent research will be crowned with
success, and we will be able to get a fuller and clearer idea
of this unusual man.
December
18, 1902, A. X. Bulatovich was released from command of the
squadron; and, as of January 27, 1903, he was discharged into
the reserves "for family reasons." (121) Apparently, it was at
this time that he made the decision to take monastic vows.
What
led to this act that amazed not only all of fashionable
Petersburg, but even his closest friends? We can only guess. A
deeply religious man, perfectly honest, kind, inquisitive, he
fell under the influence of a preacher and mystic who was
well-known at that time -- Father Ioann of the Kronstadt
Cathedral. By other accounts, he was oppressed by
unreciprocated feelings for the daughter of the commander of
the the regiment, Prince Vassilchikov. Undoubtedly, his
experiences in the field of battle, the bloody brutalities of
war played a large role.
Apparently,
it is more correct to speak of the sum of all these causes,
but, for the present, it is impossible to give a precise
answer.
After
taking monastic vows (probably in 1906, because on March 30,
1906, he retired from the army), "Father Anthony," as A. X.
Bulatovich now called himself, set out for the "Holy Mountain"
of Athos. According to his own account, up until 1911 his life
was "secluded, silent, solitary." He was entirely occupied
with his own religious activities, and never went beyond the
walls of the monastery. "I kept myself away from all business
and did not know what happened in the outside world, for I
read absolutely no journals nor newspapers." In 1910 he was
made a hieromonk, and at the very beginning of 1911, Father
Anthony set out for the fourth and last time to Ethiopia.
In
1898 by Lake Rudolph, Alexander Xavieryevich had found a badly
wounded boy named "Vaska," had nursed him back to health, and
then had taken him back to Russia, baptized him, taught him
Russian, and looked after his education. According to M.X.
Orbeliani, Vaska was a "kind, gentle, and unfortunate boy,"
who had suffered much from his mutilation. Entering the
monastery, A. X. Bulatovich took Vaska with him as a lay
brother, but Vaska suffered from constant mockeries. Finally,
when an opportunity arose, Bulatovich sent him back to his
native land. Missing his ward, after a three year separation,
Father Anthony, in his own words, "wanted to see him and give
him the Holy Eucharist." So Father Anthony went for a year to
Ethiopia. (122) What he did there, aside from "giving the Holy
Eucharist," was determined quite recently from the report
of the charge d'affaires in Ethiopia B. Chermerzin to the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs in December 15, 1911. (123) (See below).
It appears that it was not just anxieties about saving the
soul of Vaska that attracted Father Anthony to Ethiopia.
On
his arrival in Ethiopia, Father Anthony was sick for the first
two months.
At
this time, the Emperor Menelik had been severely ill for a
long while. He didn't appear at official ceremonies and
received no one, which had led to the spread of rumors that he
had really died and that his death was being concealed by
those in court circles.
Using
his old connections and his relationship with the Emperor,
Father Anthony not only obtained an audience but even got
permission to "treat" the royal patient. Praying, Anthony
sprinkled and massaged the body of the Emperor with holy water
and oil, and applied wonder-working icons. But, of course, he
did not succeed in bringing about any improvement in Menelik's
health. As a result, B. Chermerzin notes with irony, it was
established that the Emperor was alive and that all the rumors
that someone who resembled him had been substituted for him
were absolutely false.
Next,
A. X. Bulatovich tried to found in Ethiopia a Russian Orthodox
ecclesiastical mission and an Athonite monastery. On an island
of Lake "Khorshale" [Lake Shala?] he wanted to found a
monastery with a school, where the children of local
inhabitants could get an elementary education. He assumed that
the money to do this could be collected by voluntary
contributions, of which he himself would collect the greater
part. However, the impracticality of such projects and the
lack of sympathy both in Ethiopia and also at Mount Athos for
the proposed undertaking prevented its accomplishment. On Dec.
8, 1911, A. X. Bulatovich left Addis Ababa forever, "taking
with him only hopes and not a single firm pledge from the
wealthy," as B. Chermerzin expressed it.
Unfortunately,
our knowledge of this fourth and last visit by the Russian
traveler to the country he so loved is limited to this general
description. Almost all documents of the period of Menelik's
reign were destroyed at the time of the war with Italy in
1936. As for the papers of the Russian Embassy, in 1919
tsarist diplomats gave them to the French Embassy "for
safekeeping"; and in 1936, they were taken to Paris, where
they were burned along with other archives in June 1940. (124)
In
1912-13, A. X. Bulatovich got caught up in a conflict between
two groups of Athonite monks, known as the "Name Fighters" and
the "Name Praisers." (125) (Father Anthony sided with the
latter.) This affair took such a scandalous turn that Father
Anthony was forced to leave Mount Athos. The scandal at Mount
Athos received wide publicity, and from January 1913 stories
about the mutinous monks and their leader appeared from time
to time in newspapers. Over the course of 1913-14, the name of
A. X. Bulatovich didn't leave the pages of the press, giving
occasion for all kinds of wild tales, often based on gossip
and the desire of petty reporters to snatch fees. (126)
Having
taken on the role of defender of the "Name Praisers," A. X.
Bulatovich was caught up in a storm of activity: he wrote and
published polemical articles and brochures, sent letters to
his followers, recommended that they stand fast and not give
in to their opponents. The Synod assigned him to residence in
the Pokrovskiy Monastery in Moscow. But, instead, he lived
first with his sister, M.X. Orbeliani, in Petersburg, until he
attracted the attention of the police to her and her husband;
then at his mother's house in Sumy, and next at Lutsikovka.
As
soon as the war began, A.S. Bulatovich left Lutsikovka. On
August 21, 1914, he went to Sumy and from there to Moscow and
Petrograd and obtained an appointment in the active army.
"Holy wars are defensive. They are God's work. In them
miracles of bravery appear. In offensive wars, there are few
such miracles," he wrote a year before that. From 1914 to
1917, Father Anthony was a priest in the 16th Advanced
Detachment of the Red Cross.
Judging
by the stories of people who met him, he here once again
exhibited "miracles of bravery," in spite of his age, his eye
disease, and the cassock of an ecclesiastical pastor.
After
the end of the war and the disbandment of his detachment, in
Feb. 1918, A. X. Bulatovich sent requests from Moscow to
Patriarch Tikhon and the Synod for permission to retire to the
quiet of the Pokrovskiy Monastery, to which he had been
assigned before, because his situation was "quite disastrous."
The
request was granted, but without the right of religious
service, apparently because of the "heretical" beliefs in
which the applicant continued to persist.
In
the summer of 1918, A. X. Bulatovich applied to the "Holy
Council" with a new petition, for removal of this restriction
and for transfer to the Athonite St. Andrew Monastery in
Petrograd.
The
answer to this request is still unknown, but could scarcely
have been positive, because at the end of November 1918 Tikhon
and the Synod looked into the application of "the
excommunicated Hieromonk Anthony (Bulatovich)," who
"professing 'God-making' reverence for the Name of the Lord,
rather than agreeing to revere the Name of the Lord
relatively, as today's church authority requires, has
separated himself from all spiritual contact, henceforth until
the Holy Synod has held a trial on the substance of the
matter." The issue was passed along to the authority of the
Moscow Diocese for "further consideration."
Apparently,
not waiting for a decision, A. X. Bulatovich preferred to go
to Lutsikovka, where he spent the last year of his life, about
which almost nothing is known. Only very recently was it
established that he was murdered by bandits on the night of
December 5-6, 1919.
The
great and terrible years of revolution obliterated the memory
of A.S. Bulatovich. And even more, the fanatical Father
Anthony almost completely overshadowed the courageous traveler
of unknown African lands. (127)
Indeed,
this affair that absorbed all the thoughts and motivated all
the deeds of A. X. Bulatovich at the end of his life seems to
us unwarranted and even bad. But it was also a manifestation
of discontent with existing reality, of inner discord. Raised
and educated in certain surroundings, he could not surmount
the errors and prejudices of his time and his circle. However,
even amid these errors, let it be said that honor,
straightforwardness, stoicism, sincerity, and courage were in
the highest degree inherent in A. X. Bulatovich. Namely these
characteristics, in combination with ardent patriotism and
sense of duty, impelled the young hussar officer to accomplish
in four years the deeds that glorified his name and placed him
in the ranks of the most outstanding Russian travelers.
*****
This
book includes all of the published works of A. K. Bulatovich.
They are prented without changes, with minor corrections. The
proper names, the geographical names and terms, as a rule, are
presevered in the transcription of the author. Elaboration,
correction, and additional information is presented in notes
at the end of the book. Unfortunately, the overwhelming
majority of the photographs from the book of A. K. Bulatoivch
"Witht he Armies of Menlik II," and also the maps for
technical reasons cannot be reproduced. Therefore this edition
uses photographs and sketches (basically unpublished) , taken
by other Russian travelers in Ethopiian at the end of the 19th
and the beginning of the 20th century. They were kindly
provided by the Museum of the Institute of Ethnography of the
Academy of Sicences of the U.S.S.R. [Translator's note --
Technology has improved sicne the time when Katsnelson wrote
this introduction. This edition does include the original photos.]
[Ts.G.V.I.A.
and G.I.A.L.O. are references to Soviet Archives.]
1.
Bolshaya Sovietskaya Entsiklopediya, second edition, volume
6, page 258.
2.
For example: M.P. Zbrodskaya, Russian Travelers in Africa,
Moscow, 1955, pp. 62-66; M.V. Rayt, "Russian Expeditions to
Ethiopia in the Middle of the 19th and the 20th Centuries
and their Ethnographic Materials" in African Ethnographic
Collection, volume 1, Moscow, 1956, pages. 254-263.
3.
V.A. Borisov worked strenuously on such searches, and
graciously shared the results with me. The sister of A. X.
Bulatovich, Mary Xavieryevna Orbeliani, who now lives in
Canada, answered and sent her recollections of childhood and
youth, which contain information which, naturally, no other
source could provide. S. A. Tsvetkov, who from 1913-14 was
secretary of A. X. Bulatovich, and who died several years
ago in Moscow, turned over some interesting material. G. F.
Pugach, president of the Belopolsky Regional Office of the
Society for the Preservation of Natural and Cultural
Monuments, let me know the exact date of death of A. X.
Bulatovich.
4.
Service Records of Staff- and Ober- Officers of the Life
Guard Hussar Regiment on January 1, 1900 (Ts.G.V.I.A., P. S.
330-463, line 149). In any case, he was christened in Orel
in the church of the 143rd Dorogobuzhskiy Regiment. See:
GIALO, f. 11, op. 1, document 1223, line 76. In the
reference sent from there (No. 499 from Dec. 9, 1962),
apparently, the year of birth -- 1871 -- was erroneously
indicated. Compare, in the same source, document 1185, lines
12-13; Ts.G.I.A. U.S.S.R., f. 1343, op. 17, document 6777,
line 12.
5.
Now the Lutsykovsky Village Soviet of the Belopolsky Region
of the Sumskiy Area ("Sumsky Area,
Administrative-Territorial Divisions," Sumy, 1966, page 15).
6.
G.I.A.L.O., f. 11, op. 1, document 1166, line 258 --
petition of E. A. Bulatovich.
7.
G.I.A.L.O., f. 11, op. 1, document 441, lines 10, 188-189,
264, 351, 415, 441.
8.
G.I.A.L.O., f. 11, op. 1, document 1223, lines 77, 80.
9.
Ts.G.V.I.A., P.S. 330-463. Service Records of Staff- and
Ober-Officers of the Life Guard Hussar Regiment on January
1, 1900, lines 149-155. A copy of the service record of A.
X. Bulatovich is likewise in the files of the commander of
the armies of the Kwantung Region (Ts.G.V.I.A., P.S.
308-178). Data about his military service were determined
from these records, which go as far as 1900. Dates are given
in the "old style."
10.
"Government Herald" from August 19, 1892.
11.
V.A. Trofimov, The Politics of England and Italy in
North-EAst Africa in the Second Half of hte 19th Cenury,
Moscow, 1962, page 189.
12.
A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 146, line 243 --
report of P. M. Vlasov, head of the Russian Diplomatic
Mission, from April 29, 1899, number 375: "You can concluded
a priori hat England should be choose for th route of its
railway from Alexandria to Cape Town this directions:
Kassala, Tomat, Famaka, the Baro River, the western part of
Lake Rudolph with outlet to Unass on Lake Victoria Niants,
where such a junction of railway line, leading to the port
of Mombasa on the Indian Ocean, for which is required to get
from Emperor Menelik, either by diplomatic agreement or by
the more certain and faster path of force, i.e., war,
concessions: the whole country of Beni-Shangul, the three
rivers: Sobat, Baro and Juba and the land adjacent to Lake
Rudolph to the north."
13.
Yu. L. Elets, Emperor Menelik and his war with Italy.
According to documents and the field diary of N. S.
Leontyev, Saint Petersburg, 1898, page 5.
14.
V. A. Trofimov, The Politics of England and Italy..., page
158.
15.
V. Bottego, Viaggi di scoperti nel cuore dell'Africa. Il
Giuba esplorata. Roma, 1895, L. Vannutelli e C. Ceiterni,
Seconda Spedizione Bottego. L'Omo. Viaggio d'esplorazione
nell'Africa orientale, Milano, 1899.
16.
D. Smith, Through Unknown African Countries. The First
Expedition from Somaliland to Lake Rudolph and Lamu, London,
1897; H. S. H. Cavendish, Through Somaliland and Around
South of Lake Rudolf, "Geographical Journal," 1898, XI,
number 4. About the French expeditions of Bonchamps,Liotar,
Marchand and Clochette, operating in Ethiopia, see the
report of A. K. Bulatoivch from November 27, 1897 (A.V.P.R.,
Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 2029, lines 7-14).
17
V. Popov, The Crushing defeat of the Italians at Adwa.,
Moscow, 1938.
18.
Ibid., page 109.
19.
V. A. Trofimov, Politics of England and Italy..., page 192.
20.
G. N. Sanderson, The Foreign Policy of Negus Menelik,
1896-1898 "The Journal of African History," 1964, volume V,
number 1, pages 87-98.
21.
Report of P. M. Vlasov from October 30, 1898 (A.V.P.R.,
Politarkhov, op. 482, document 143, lines 310-311, and
likewise documen 144, lines 33-36). See: I. I. Basin,
Russo-Ethiopian relations in the 80-90 years of the 19th
century "Scholarly notes of the Moscow state corresponding
pedagogical institute. Department of general history.,"
Moscow, 1962, page 459.
22.
See the article "The meaning of the English expedition to
the Sudan" in the hournal "Scout," 1896, number 287, page
325. It is signed with the initials O. O.
23.
A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 146, line 244.
24.
With words of the local inhabitants an account of the
conquest of Kaffa written by F. Bieber: "Geschichte der
Kaffaisch-Athiopischen Krieg. Ene Uberlieferung der
Kaffitscho oder Gonga. Ubersetzt und erlautet von F. J.
Bieber," "Milleilungen des Seminars fur Orientalischen
Sprachen an der Friedrich-Wilhelms Universitat zu Berlin,"
Jahrg. XXIII-XXV, Berlin, 1922, 2, Abt, pages 18-43.
25.
C. Mondon-Vidailhet, Letrtres d'Abyssinie, "Le Temps,"
October 28, 1897.
26.
F. J. Bieber, Kaffa. Ein altkschitishes Volkstum in
Inner-Arika, Bd I, Modling ei Wien, 1920, page 100.
27.
"Materials of the Arkhiv of external politics of Russia. New
documents about Russo-Ehtiopian relations (end of the 19th
to beginning of the 20th century)." Publication of V. A.
Krokhina and M. V. Rayt, "Problems of Eastern Studies,"
1960, number 1, pages 150-163.
28.
Such, for example, at the time of the intervention of Russia
was was reconciled the conflict between two influential
rulers, both vassals of Menelik -- Ras Makonen and Ras
Mangasha (the later at one time held a pro-Italian
orientation).
29.
I. I. Vasin, Russo-Ethiopian relations..., page 398.
30.
Yu. L. Elets, Emperor Menelik..., page 11. See also the
article "The importance of Abyssinia" signed S. D. M. (i.e.,
S. D. Molchanov) in "The Saint Petersburg Gazette," from
Novembr 13, 1896, number 315.
31.
Yu. L. Elets, Emperor Menelik..., pages 17-18. In the
Abyssinian original this point was made, that Ethopia could
use the mediation of Ital for its relations with other
powers. In the Italian text the word "could" was changed to
the word "agreed," which transformed a friendly agreement of
alliance into a form of protectorate, i.e., the Italian
government interpreted the given formulation as an
obligation.
32,
About the sending of the sanitary mission to the
Abyssinian-Italian theater of war see: Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400,
p. 261/911, document 19/1897, lines 1-2; see also
publication of R. A. Krokhin and M. V. Rayt "Materials of
the archive of the external politics of Russia...," page
151.
33.
M. V. Rait, La mission de la Croix-Rouge russe en Ehtiopie,
"La Russie et l'Afrique," Moscow, 1966, page 177.
34.
Ts.G.V.I.A., P. S. 330-463. The basis and correspondence on
this question see: Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, op. 261/911,
document 19/1897, lines 7, 18, 19, 31, 33.
35.
M. Rubtsov, Vasiliy Vasilyevich Bolotov, Tver, 1900, page
78.
36.
Ibid., page 79, footnote 1.
37.
Note of the head of the Asiatic section of the headquarters
staff Lieutenant Gen3ral A. P. Prosenko, composed on the
basis of reports of A. K. Bulatovich from July 31, 1896.
(Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, op. 261/911, document 68/1896, lines
1-2).
38.
This "state of affairs" consisted of obstacles created by
the English, who were likewise striving to prevent the
establishment of direct contacts between Russia and
Ethiopia.
For
example, they in every way made it difficult to obtain
camels for the caravan. The railroad from Djibouti to Addis
Ababa was then only beginning to be built.
39.
F.E. Krindach, Russian Cavalryman in Abyssinia. From
Djibouti to Harar, St. Petersburg, 1898, pp. 12-13.
40.
Ibid, p. 95.
41.
Ibid. p. 103.
42.
Note of the president of the Russian Society of the Red
Cross M.P. Kaufman (A.V.P.R., Political Archives, document
2015, lines 2-9).
43
Nikolai Stepanovich Leontyev (Oct 26, 1862 - about 1914) --
from the gentry of the Kherson Governate, studied at the
Nikoayevkiy Cavalry School, which because of illness he did
not complete. He then served in the Ulan Life-Guard
Regiment. From 1891, he was a lieutenant in the reserves
(Ts.G.V.I.A., V.U.A. f. 452, document 30, line 31). In 1894,
he financies the expedition of A. V. Elseyev to Ethiopia and
took part in self in that venture. Subsequently, he entered
into service to Menelik, was named ruler of the
Equatorial province and was elevated to the post of dadiazmach;
judginb y the reports of Russian diplomats, he was an
adventurer, interested only in personal gain, but not lacking
ability. (I. I. Vasin, Russo-Ethoipian Relations..., pp. 446,
450).
44. Yu. L. Elets, Emperor Menelik..., p.
266.
45. For example: N. K. Shvedov, Rusian Red
Cross in Abissinia in 1896, Saint Petersburg, 1897; D. L.
Glinskiy, Life of the Russian Medical Detachment in Harar,
Grodna, 1897.
46 A. N. Wydle, Modern Abyssinai, London,
1901, p. 417.
47. "While I was in Africa, I wanted to
take advantage of the opportunity for exploring the still very
little known Galla tribes and the lands that lie along the
upper reaches of the Nile, in particular Kaffa...", --
Ts.G.I.A U.S.S.R., f. 277, 1896-1898, docuemtn 2876, lines
186-188.
48 Ts.G. V.I.A., f. 400,op 261/911,
document 68/1896, line 4.
49. In a letter from January 14, 1896 from
Leka, addressed, possibly, to A. P. Protsenko, A. K.
Bulatovihc writes: "I succeeded in penetrating beyond the Baro
River, the main tributary of the Sobat. I passed through part
of Mocha and Kaffa and made a map of the territory I passed
through. I reached the southwest border of the Galla tribe and
caught sight of the outermost Bako negro tribes... Now I am
presented with the possibility of penetrating the basin of the
Dabusa and Tumat, and I ask for help.. with authorization for
me to extend my leave to four months. The possibililty of
penetrating there -- this rare occasion and this country of
the upmost interest and completely unkown." By petition of the
War Minister P. S. Vannovskiy, Nikolas II on April 8, 1897
permitted that extension of leave (op. cit., lines 13-16 and
19).
50. "Government News," December 8, 1896
(Ts.G.V.I.A. P. S. 330-463).
51. "The roll of rotmisters of the Guard
Cavalry by seniority fro May 1, 1902_ (Saint Petersburg, 1902,
p. 23.
52. Here is how Lieutenant General A. P.
Protensko assessed the value of the book on its publication on
July 26, 1897: "This work presents very interesting and
valuable material, concisely
presented, but mbracing the geography of the country, its
history and governmental structure, military forces,
descriptionsof the administration, the court of the Negus and
the chief present-day public figures." (Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400,
op. 261/911, document 44/1897, line 7). They sent the book to
many government agents and to Niholas II, who ordered a
proclamation of thanks to the author (op. cit., lines 35, 36;
A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 2029, line 4).
53. M. P. Zabroodskaya, Russian travels in
Afarica, pp. 61-61.
54. S. V. Kozlov, Comments on some parts of
the work of Bulatovich "From Entoto to the River BAro, Saint
Petersburg, 1897, pp. 1-36.
55. For example, the monograph: W. M.
Muller, Asien und Europa nach altagyptischen Darstellungen,
Leipzig, 1893.
56.
S. V. Kozlov, Remarks... p. 27.
57.
See the report of P. M. Vlasov from December 31, 1897,
(A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, docuemnt 139, lines 52-55)
and from February 15, 1898,. In a personal audience,
Menilike told Valsov that he always considered and would
continue to consider that the legal state boundaries of
Ethopia are all the lands lying between 14 degrees latitude
north and 2 degrees latitude south, the right bank of the
Nile in the west, and an 80-mile distance from the banks of
the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean in the eastm and that these
borders in its full extent and contents, he will protect
from incursions by anybody with all the powers and means
that he has..." (Ibid, document 142, line 32).
58
Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, op. 261/911, document 92/1897, part 1,
lines 13, 14, 38, 52; A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482,
document 2075.
59.
A.V.P.R., Politarkhov, op. 482, document 2074, lines 31-32.
60.
Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, op. 261/911, document 92/1897, part 1,
lines 5, 20.
61.
Ibid., lines 22-23, A.V.P.R., Politarkhov, op. 482, document
2068, lines 2-4, 8, 11-18.
62.
Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, op. 261/911, document 92/1897, part 1,
line 28.
63.
Ibid., part 2, lines 49-52. Compare with the report of P. M.
Vlasov from December 31, 1897.
64.
A.V.P.R., Politarkhov, op. 482, document 140, lines 59-60;
Ibid, document 2029, lines 7-14. Together with other
unpublished memoranda and letters of A. K. Bulatovich
relating to his travels in Ethopia, this is being prepared
for publication.
65.
About the stay of the mission in Ethoipia and its activities
almost exhaustive material was collected by I. I. Vasin
("Russo-?Ehtiopian Relations...", pp. 433-534).
66.
A. d'Abbadie, Notice sure le Kafa, es Woratta Limmou, etc.,
--"Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie," 2 series, volume
19, 1843.
67
G. Massaia, I miei trentacinque anni di missione nell'alta
Etiopia. Memorie storiche, vol. 1-12, Roma, 1885-1895.
68.
A. Cecchi, Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa, volumes 1-3,
Rome, 1886-1887.
69.
P. Soleillet, Obock, le Choa, le Kaffa. Une exploration
commerciale en Ethiopie, Paris [1886].
70.
Report of P. M. Vlasov from June 14 898 (A.V.P.R.,
Poliarkhiv, op. 482, document 2074, lines 77-79).
71
A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 2029, lines 19-23;
Ibid. document 2074, lines 77-100.
72.
A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 143, lines 16-17;
I. I. Vasin, Russo-Ethiopian Relations..., page 445.
73.
Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, op. 261/911, document 92/1897, part 2,
lines 169-170.
74.
"Roll of rotmisters of the guard cavalry by seniority of May
1 1902.=," Saint Petersburg, 1902, page 23; Ts.G.V.I.A. P.
S. 330-463; A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 2074,
lines 125, 126.
75.
A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 2029, lines 26-30.
76.
Ibid., line 25.
77.
Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, op. 261/911, document 92/1897, part 2,
line 216.
78.
A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 2074, lines 125,
126; also see lines 117-118, 156, 162-164; Ts.G.V.I.A., f.
400, op. 261/911, document 92/1897, part 3, line 65, on
March 5 Nicholas II received A. K. Bulatovich "outside the
rules" in the winter palace (Ibid., lines 65, 66).
79.
A. K. Bulatovich, From Abyssinia through the country of
Kaffa to Lake Rudolph (REad at a general session of the
Russian Geographical Society, January 13, 1899.), News of
the Russian Geogrpahical Society, volume 35, 1899, issue 3,
pp. 2590283. A handwritten copy of this lecture is preserved
in the archieves of the Geographical Society (category 98,
op. 1, 1899, document 23). As one English historian
expressed it, this lecture "with sour commentary" was soon
almost completely published in Italy (A. K. Bulatovich,
All'Abissinia al lago Rudolfo per il Caffa. Con note di G.
Roncagli, -- "Bollettino della Societa GEografica Italiana,"
series IV, 1900, volume 1, Number 2, pages 121-145. A report
on the results of the journey, illustrated with a map was
included in "The Rusian Invalid" from September 7 1899,
number 195.
80.
Cited in the book by M. P. Zabrodsky "Russian travelers in
Africa," page 63.
81.
"Accord of the Russian GEographical Society for 1899," Saint
Petersburg, 1900, page 36.
82.
"Russian Thought," 1900, book 8, section 3, pages 291-292
(unsigned review).
83.
"Divine World," 1900, August (number 8), section 2, pages
100-02.
84.
F. Bieber, Kaffa..., page 19.
85.
Ibid., page 100.
86.
See, for example, the intruction to the remarks of D. Ronkai
to the Italian translation of the aarticle of A. K.
Bulatovich ("Bolletino della Societa Geografica Italiana,"
series IV, 1900, volume 1, number 2, page 121 and
following).
87.
For correspondence about this see: Ts.G.V.I.A., V.U.A., f.
452, documetn 34; A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, docuemnt
2019, lines 44-50 (rescript of Menelik II).
88.
Krahmer, Der Bergrucken Kaiser Nikolaus II, -- (Pettermann's
Mitteilungen," Bd. 45, 1899, page 243, prim. I.
89.
L. Vannutelli e C. Citerni, Seconda spedizione Bottego.
90.
These maps added to the work "About the newly discovered by
Staff-Rotmister Bulatovich western side of the Omo River in
the central African mountain range," where is also found his
lecture notes, in which he directly refers to the work of V.
Bottego and X. Cavendish (Ts.G.V.I.A., V.U.A., f. 452,
docuemnt 34, line 11a).
91.
L. Vannutelli e C. Citerni, Seconda spedizione Bottego, page
330.
92
Ibid., table 5.
93.
Ts.G.V.I.A., V.U.A., f. 452, docuemnt 34, line 6.
94.
Ibid., f. 451, documetn 34, line 7.
95.
M.P. Zabrodskaya, Russian travelers in Africa, page 65.
96.
M.V. Rayt, Russian Expedition in Ethoipia..., pages 254-263,
270-272; L. E. Kubbel, Materials on the social-economic
relations of inhabitants of Ethiopia in the works of A. K.
Bulatovich (expeditions 1896-1897), -- "Soviet
Ethonography," 1967, Number 3, pages 109-112.
97.
See A. K. Bulatovich's introduction to his book "With the
Armies of Menelik II."
98.
I. Yu. Krachkovskiy, Introduction to Ethiopian philology,
Leningrad, 1955, pages 99-100.
99.
I. I. Basin, Russian-Ethiopian relations... page 482.
100. "MEnelik for fear
of ruining the prestige of his name and the authority of his
reign in the eyes of vassals, rases and the people, now maintained by
him with significant difficulty, resolves not to agree on
any territorial concessions to England... voluntarily, so he
explains to us openly and decisively, that he could only be
forced to such concessions by force, i.e., war, and that he
is ready to fight to last extremity..."(AvPR, Politarkhiv,
op. 482, document 146, lines 243-245).
101.
A. K. Bulatovich describes in detail his journey from Zeyla,
a port on the Red Sea, to Addis-Ababa in a report to P. M.
Vlasov from May26, 1899 (Ibid., lilnes 289-298). His meeting
with Marchand and his conversation with him he thoroughly
communicate in that same report, and also in a separate
letter from June 29, 1899 (the adressee not known), excerpts
from which are preserved in Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, oop.
261-911, document 92/18977, part 3, lines 152-153.
102.
Report of P. M. Vlasov from June 28, 1898 (A.V.P.R.,
Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 145, lines 80-82).
103.
P. M. Vlasov suggested taking "strict guidance": to avoid
any clashes with the English, and in no circumstance should
he cross the boundary of the possessions of Abyssinia and
not take part in military action -- in other words, to show
complete fairness in relation to England. A. K. Bulatovich
should only clarify the situation in the border regions
(Ibid., lines 83-87).
104.
Reports of P. M. Vlasov from July 8, 1899, from Desta
(Ibid., document 147, lines 151-156), July 27 and 29, 1899
(Ibid., lines 185-186, 189-196, 200-206, 209-211), August 12
and 21, 1899, (Ibid., lines 270-284, 313-317), October 7 and
22, 1899 (Ibid., document 148, lines 17-22; document 147,
lines 386-387). In the first of these reports is established
very interesting information newly revealing the
circumstandes of the death of the well-known Italian raveler
Captain V. Bottego.
105.
From a report of A. K. Bulatovich from October 22, 1899
(Ibid., document 147, line 387).
106.
Ibid., line 386.
17
From a report of P. M. Vlasov from September 30, 1899
(Ibid., lines 309-312).
108.
Ibid, document 147, line 312; also lines 8-10.
109.
Ibid., document 148, line 16.
110
Ibid., document 150, lines 18 and following.
111
Gabro Selassie (born around 1850/55, died in 1912), from
1908 Minister of the Pen, author of memoirs, is a direct
source for the history of the reign of Menika II. The
ambassador of France to Ethiopia M. de Coppet furnished very
valuable notes to this work. (Guebre Sellasie, Chronique du
regne de Menelik II, roi des rois d'Tehiopie publiee et
annotee par M. de Coppet, tt. I-II, Paris, 1930-1932).
112.
A.V.P.R., Politarkhiv, op. 482, document 150, line 18.
113
Arkiv VGO, series 98, op. 1, document 23. Having left
together with some Galla nd Ethiopians on July 27, 1899 from
Addis Ababa, A. K. Bulatoivch on August 17 reached the
region of Dul, from which on the 20th he set out for
Beni-Shangul, and them to the Blue Nile and on September 1
almost arrived at Fazola. On October 10 he stayed in Lemta.
A. K. Bulatovich returned to Addis Ababa through the
mountains of Tuku, Konchi, Dzibati, Roge, Dende, and Bochach
(A.V.P.R., Politarkiv, op. 482, docuemtn 148, line17). All
the materials of the third journey of A. K. Bulatovich are
being prepared for publication.
114
Ibid., lines 19-21.
115.
Letter of A. X. Bulatovich from February 8, 1900
(Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 400, op. 261/911, document 92/1897, chapter
4, lines 8-10).
116.
Telegram of A.N. Kuropatkina to the Russian Consul in
Jerusalem from April 4 1900 (Ibid., line 11).
117.
In accord with the reply of the General Staff from June 23,
1900 for Number 33673 (Ts.G.V.I.A., P. S. 308-178).
118.
Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 3591, op. 1, document 157. Order of the Life
Guard Hussar Regiment from December 8, 1901.
119.
"Record of Rotmisters of the Guard Cavalry by Seniority on
May 1, 1902," Saint Petersburg, 1902, p. 23.
120.
Reference of the State Regional Kharkov Archive, No. 15
(187), from June 16, 1962.
121.
Ts.G.V.I.A., f. 3591, op. 1, document 160, line 57.
122.
Hieromonk Anthony (Bulatovich), My Conflict with the
'Name-Fighters' on the Holy Mountain, Petrograd, 1917, pages
10-11.
123.
A.V.P.R., "Greek Department," document 678.
124.
Czeslaw Jesman, The Russians in Ethiopia, London, 1958, page
150.
125.
The Synod in a decision from August 27, 1913 for Number 7644
conferred on the adherents of this "heresy" the designation
"Name Idolaters" (Ts.G.I.A. U.S.S.R., f. 797, op. 86,
document 59, line 80.)
126.
Namely in the supplement to Russian Word -- the weekly of
Spark (Number 9 for 1914) there appeared photographs of
Alexander Ksaveryevich with captions, which were used by I.
Ilf and E. Petrov in Twelve Chairs as the source for the
story of "Hussar-Heretic" Count Aleksey Bulanov.
127.
Thus, for example, A. X. Bulatovich isn't even mentioned in
an essay on the history of geographical discoveries in
Ethiopia by N.M. Karatayev. See: Abyssinia (Ethiopia).
Collection of Articles, Leningrad, 1936, pages. 1-83.
An account of a trip to the southwestern
regions of the Ethiopian Empire 1896-97
Originally published in St. Petersburg, 1897,
Printed by V. Kirshbaum, 204 pages
Reissued in 1971 as part of the volume With
the Armies of Menelik II, edited by I. S. Katsnelson of the
Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the
U.S.S.R."Science" Publishing House Chief Editorial Staff of
Oriental Literature, Moscow 1971, entire book 352 pages, Entotto
pp. 32-156
THE
POPULATION
OF THE SOUTHWESTERN REGIONS OF ETHIOPIA
·
The
Original
Form of Galla Government
·
Sidamo
·
Negroes
·
Abyssinian
Way
of Life and Etiquette
·
Abyssinian
Division
into Classes
·
Abyssinian
Distribution
of Property
THE
ETHIOPIAN
SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT
·
Numbers
and
Organization of the Military
·
Kinds
of
Arms, Weapons, Equipment and Clothing
·
Tactics
·
The
Activity
of Separate Kinds of Arms
·
Discipline
and Subordination
STATE
GOVERNMENT
AND THE DISTRIBUTION OF LAND
ECONOMIC
CONDITION
OF THE STATE. THE TREASURY
[Numbers refer to the
footnotes to From
Entotto to the River Baro]
In the summer of 1896, I had the opportunity
to take part in a journey into Abyssinia, and decided to take
advantage of it. I set out toward the western regions because
Ethiopia was almost completely unexplored in that direction.
Only three Europeans had up until then been on that side of the
Didessa River:
1 - Ilg(2) by order of Emperor Menelik went
up the Dabus River, but didn't cross the Gaby River.
2 - Schuver(3) went from Gedaref across the
Abbay River between the Dabus River and the Tumat River and
discovered the basin of that river.
3 - And Pino, a French merchant, went on
several campaigns with Ras Gobana(4,5) and was the only European
to have crossed the Gaba River. But he didn't reach the River
Baro.
The whole southwestern portion of the
Ethiopian highlands was up to this time completely unexplored.
This was true not because of lack of people who wanted to, and
not so much because of insuperable natural obstacles to such
exploration. Rather, up until very recent times, this region was
ruled by a series of independent Galla tribes.(6) You could get
there only by passing through Shoa; but because of the continual
wars between Abyssinians and Galla, that was impossible. Now the
Abyssinians rule this country and, only with great reluctance
let anyone go there.
In addition, this journey was interesting
because, according to informed sources, the western provinces,
together with Harar, were the richest in Abyssinia, and were
almost the sole source of the state treasury. It would also be
interesting to observe how the Abyssinians rule a recently
conquered region.
From an ethnographic point of view, it would
be interesting to learn the morals, manners, customs, and
character of the Galla, who were the native inhabitants of this
country and who up to this time were almost completely unknown.
A visit to this region also had interest from
a military point of view, because this is where the main forces
of Abyssinia are -- presenting the opportunity to study the
Abyssinian army, which was very difficult to do in Entotto.
I was unprepared for this journey and didn't
have the appropriate instruments; so, unfortunately, I couldn't
try to solve the scientific questions which I otherwise would
have pursued. But it was impossible to obtain the instruments. I
received the invitation to make this journey at the end of
September. If I had ordered scientific instruments, at best they
couldn't arrive before the beginning of January, and there would
always be the risk that they would be broken in transit.
Therefore, not setting myself unrealistic
scientific goals, I decided to take advantage of this rare
opportunity I had been given to visit this interesting country,
and I tried to do everything I could to make my journey useful.
This book is an account of my journey and a
description of the country, its governmental structures, and the
beliefs and customs of the tribes who lived there. These are the
fruits of my best efforts at observation. I know very well that
my conclusions are in many ways inexact and that a more detailed
study of the country will reveal that this account is not
without errors. I myself, after my trip, frequently had to
correct my own errors.
But I tried, as much as it was in my powers,
to determine the truth. Keeping in mind the proverb, "The one
who is mistaken is the one who does nothing," I decided to
publish this work.
When Emperor Menelik gave me permission for
my journey, the main condition he imposed on me was that I could
not cross the borders of his realm. I agreed to that,
unwillingly. (7)
On Oct. 28, 1896, the Emperor granted me a
farewell audience. Saying good-bye, His Highness wished me a
good trip and gave me two letters: one to Dajazmatch(8) Demissew
(his domain was halfway to Leka), and the other to Dajazmatch
Tesemma, who lives at the far western frontiers of Abyssinia.
At noon on Oct. 29, cordially seen off by
those members of the Russian Red Cross who were staying in
Entotto and by several Abyssinian friends, I left by the road to
Leka.
My detachment consisted of 17 servants and
eight animals (seven mules and one horse). It was very easy to
find servants.
Knowing of my upcoming trip, they came and
voluntarily applied for work, despite the extremely modest
conditions (five talers for clothes and pay per servant on our
return). I selected just 17 men. This number was a few more than
what I needed, but the road ahead was such that we would not be
able to pass that way without losses, and it would be impossible
to replenish the ranks en route. So I increased by a third the
number of people I needed (I estimated 11 for guns and one for
tent posts). Our weapons consisted of three 3/8-inch-caliber
rifles which were provided by the Red Cross (with 50 cartridges
for each gun), one carbine (with 50 cartridges), one
double-barreled hunting gun (500 cartridges), six Gra guns (1200
cartridges), and one revolver (18 cartridges). Our side-arms
consisted of a sword, three Abyssinian sabers and four metal
spears. Our transport consisted of eight pack mules which could
carry a total of 45 poods [1620 pounds] of cargo.(9)
On the first day, we only went 15 versts [9.9
miles] because the pack loads were not yet adjusted and required
frequent stops and fixing. We spent the night at Mete. On Oct.
31, we crossed the upper reaches of the Awash River and stayed
at the home of a Galla. In all, in three days, we went 75 versts
[49.5 miles]. Crossing the Awash, we came to the residence of
Dajazmatch Ubye -- the husband of Woyzaro(10) Zawditu(11),
daughter of Menelik.
At our next stop we met the uncle of the
Dajazmatch -- a gray-haired, hunched old man, 65 years old, of
Semitic features and with oblong, suspicious eyes. He was
supposed to lead me through the domain of his nephew. The house
where we stayed belonged to a rich Galla. Our host was absent,
and his two beautiful wives received us. The house was rather
large, of a low circular design 15-20 paces in diameter with a
gabled roof, propped up with a large number of posts. The house
was divided by partitions into three separate apartments. At
night the livestock was driven into the apartment nearest to the
outside doors, the largest one (Galla houses are not surrounded
with fences). The hearth was found in the middle apartment, and
the farthest apartment was the sleeping chamber of the host.
On November 1, we stopped in the land of Gura
at the house of a shum(12) of my friend Dajazmatch Haile Maryam,
the older brother of Ras Makonnen(13). The domain of Haile
Maryam used to be very great; but four years ago, he argued with
the Empress Taitu(14) and everything was taken away from him.
Now part of the confiscated land has been returned to him --
namely Chobo, Gura, and Tikur.
The home of the shum was located on a
beautiful spot on the bank of the River Guder. Knowing that I
would pass through his land, the Dajazmatch, who at that time
was in Addis Ababa, sent a courier to the shum; and that evening
they brought to me a large durgo(15): a plump ram, 200 pieces of
injera(16), tej(17), tala(18), honey comb, butter, hens, eggs,
and a sauce for the servants. A gybyr (feast) was prepared.
First Ato Zennakh, Ato Balaynekh and I, and then all the
servants and local Abyssinians ceremoniously carried in a ram,
which had just been slaughtered and hung it on a post. Ato
Zennakh, with the air of an expert of Abyssinian gastronomy, cut
it into pieces. A servant with bare shoulders, who had wrapped
his shamma(19) around him, lifted the still warm thigh of a ram
over a basket with injera, around which we sat.
(In good homes at eating time, one is
supposed to wear the shamma in this manner. In the palace, those
close to the emperor in general do not have the right to wear
the shamma at all) Each of us chose a piece of meat for
ourselves and cut it from the leg.
It is hard to imagine anything more delicious
than raw fresh-killed meat, but unfortunately, thanks to it,
there is scarcely an Abyssinian who does not suffer from
tape-worm, and all of them, beginning with the Emperor and
ending with the beggar, regularly, every two months, take boiled
and crushed berries of the kusso tree, and, in low-lying places,
of the enkoko bush. At times of severe illness, before receiving
the Eucharist, the Abyssinian takes his kusso, and he considers
it indecent to die without cleansing himself of tape worms.
On November 2 we crossed the rapid Uluk River
by a natural stone bridge, which is some sort of wonder of
nature. The countryside was of striking beauty. In the narrow
and deep ravine, the river rushed past with a roar. The steep
banks were overgrown with high kolkual cactuses, having found
shelter by some miracle on the almost sheer cliffs. This
countryside is rich in hot mineral springs, well-known both
among the Abyssinians and the Gallas for their medicinal
strength. The three main springs are found by the same river, at
the bridge.
They are named Iesus, Maryam and Giyorgis
[Jesus, Mary, and George]. Alongside the river, somewhat higher,
there is a lake with a large number of springs, which also bear
the names of saints. Nearby there is a market. It was market day
and groups of Galla and Abyssinians stretched out on both sides.
Along the way, they would plunge into the medicinal water of the
lake and water their cattle. My fellow travelers did likewise.
All this compact mass of supple and slender black bodies of
antique beauty now shone dark bronze under the oblique rays of
the evening sun, in the middle of the wild lake, surrounded by
ancient forest and rocks.
On this day, passing along the valley of the
Guder River and having crossed it by a narrow bridge made of
liana, we stopped at the foot of the Toke mountain ridge. On
November 3, we climbed the mountain ridge; and on November 4, we
descended into the valley of the Gibye River(20). Both the
ascent and the descent were extremely difficult because of the
steepness and the muddy forest road.
Ato Zennakh asked me to stop over at his
house, and I accepted the invitation, because the unsuitability
of my pack saddles for mountainous roads was already beginning
to tell: one mule was hurt; and the next day, we decided to
cauterize its back in the customary Abyssinian fashion. This
operation is done in the following way: they bring the mule down
on the ground and, having made two sickles red-hot on pressed
cow's dung, they sear it in seven places on each side of the
backbone, each in the form of a line five vershoks [8.75 inches]
long, extending from the backbone down along the ribs. On the
following day, in spite of the fact that the whole back of the
mule was swollen, they saddled it with a light load, and by
evening the swelling had gone away.
In the absence of the Dajazmatch, who almost
always stays with the Emperor, Ato Zennakh manages all of his
vast property. His house is located at the foot of Mount Jibat
in a delightful, heavily populated valley of one of the
tributaries of the Gibye River. Built on a small terrace with a
very steep climb, and surrounded by a high fence, it towers over
all the surrounding countryside. There are many legends about
Mount Jibat. They say that on the summit there used to be a
castle of Negus Zara Yakob(21) (fifteenth century A.D.). The
ruins of this castle exist to this day, but the mountain has
become overgrown with such thick forest that to get to them is
very difficult.
Ato Zennakh entertained me as well as he
possibly could. An ox and two rams were slaughtered and a feast
was prepared, at which was drunk an enormous number of gombs(22)
of tej.
On November 6, the holiday of my regiment,
after a sufficiently long march, we stopped at the house of a
rich Galla. In solitude, I drank a bottle of red wine in honor
of the regiment.
On November 7, our route went along the
valley of the Gibye River -- wide and low, still swampy from the
rain. From the north it is bounded by the Chalez Mountains, and
from the south by the Jibat Mountains and Koletcho-Ale. It is
said that in these mountains there is a summit to which a cross
descended from heaven; and that, to this day, it is guarded by
some mysterious old man and old woman. But no one has ever
climbed this mountain and seen this cross, since according to
popular belief -- which scarcely ever is wrong -- anyone who
dares to climb here will suddenly die.
At noon we crossed the Gibye River, the main
tributary of the River Omo. The water still hadn't abated after
the rain, and we swam the horses and mules across. Galla carried
our goods by hand over a hanging bridge. This bridge was
constructed in a very eccentric way. From two enormous trees on
both banks of the river were stretched lianas, on which were
placed the web of the bridge; several lianas served as
hand-rails on the sides. The length of the bridge was 40 paces;
its width was one pace. This year, the water was very high and
damaged part of the bridge, such that mules couldn't pass along
it.
Our animals swam in groups of two or three;
and we nearly had an accident. The current took my horse and two
mules, and since the banks were steep and the animals were in no
condition to scramble out, they were quickly pulled down. But
the selflessness of two Galla and of my servants saved the
animals.
Here, among other things, a humorous episode
took place. One of the servants was wearing my old flabby top
hat; when the servant was crossing the bridge, the wind caught
the hat, and it fell in the water. A Galla, seeing this, jumped
straight from the bridge, from a height of at least five arshins
[six and a half yards], after the hat into the water, and with
celebration brought it to me, apparently thinking it was of
great value.
The whole crossing, with and without loads,
took an hour and a half.
On November 8 we crossed the property of
Dajazmatch Ubye into the land of Dajazmatch Demissew and stopped
at the large market of the village of Bilo. This day we
succeeded in killing an enormous chamois-bull (orobo). The
bullet from the 3/8-inch-caliber rifle, as it turned out that
time, hit the cheek and went through, but, in spite of that, the
orobo continued to run and only fell at a distance of 700-800
paces from the spot where it was wounded. Both the entry and
exit holes made by the bullet were scarcely noticeable.
The Gibye River separates the lands of
Dajazmatch Demissew and Dajazmatch Ubye. We parted cordially
with Ato Zennakh, and I gave him a watch.
Dajazmatch Demissew sent a large convoy
(150-200 men) to meet us and, along with two of his senior
commanders -- Abagaz Bakabil and Ato Wolda Maskal -- and, in
addition, five flutes, which is considered a great honor. The
title abagaz means "father of the estate." Usually this is an
old man, who has known the owner from childhood. Sometimes he is
a slave, who nursed him. Always he is someone connected to the
estate with strong ties of friendship. Such was Abagaz Bakabil.
Ato Wolda Maskal was the commander of 2,000 soldiers and in the
absence of the dajazmatch was his deputy.
The town of Bilo, where we stopped, was one
of the most significant commercial centers of western Abyssinia.
Although it is located on the land of Dajazmatch Demissew, it
was not under his command, but rather under the nagada-ras (in
translation -- "head of the merchants"), who is in charge of all
the trade of a certain district and of all the merchants found
there, in judicial, administrative, and fiscal matters. The
significance of Bilo as a commercial point derives from its
position at a crossroads. Everything that goes from western
Abyssinia to Shoa and Gojjam and from the south to Gojjam passes
through Bilo.
Through it pass large caravan tracks to
Wollaga, Ilu-Babur, Jimma, Kaffa, Leka, and on the north and
east to Gojjam, and from there to Massawa, Djibouti and Zeila
through Shoa and Harar.
Recently, with the increase in export through
Zeila and Djibouti at the expense of Massawa, trade from
southern Abyssinia and Kaffa goes not through Bilo, but straight
to Shoa through Sodo and Jimma. In Bilo itself, there are no
more than 300 households, but already with the first steps you
feel the difference between this settlement and those which are
near it. It is immediately evident that this is a commercial
center with lively and exuberant interests. Here one can buy
both hay and injera and tala and tej and even cognac and
absinthe. At a dinner held in my honor, the shum of this city,
son of the nagada-ras, asked me about the governments of Europe,
about Egypt and India, showed interest in politics and in his
turn told what he knew about Kaffa and dervishes. As usual, they
overloaded us with durgo.
After the meal, singers sang the victories of
Menelik, and also improvised on the friendship of Russians and
Abyssinians. Those singers were soon relieved by others who,
together with the beggars who had assembled, gave me no peace
all night long.
On November 10, we crossed through the Koncho
mountain ridge, which unites the mountain groups of Sibu, Chelea
and Limu, and descended into the valley of the Wam River, a
tributary of the Didessa. On November 11, at noon, we swam
across the Wam and climbed on Mount Leka. On November 12, met by
all the available soldiers of Dajazmatch Demissew, we
ceremoniously entered his residence. He himself came out to meet
me and accommodated me in his house. Son of an afa-negus(23),
who had great influence on the emperor, he until recent times
was fitaurari(24) and ruled a small region of Gera and Guma
which bordered on Kaffa. But after the death of the Fitaurari
Gabayu, Takle, and Damto, killed in the last war, he was given
authority over these lands and the rank of dajazmatch. To him
was also entrusted the chief supervision over two Galla states
which had submitted to Menelik and therefore had maintained
their former government: Wollaga -- Dajazmatch Joti, and Leka --
Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer. Thus the property of Dajazmatch
Demissew extends from the extreme western and northwestern
borders of Ethiopia.
I spent two days as a guest of this amiable
host, also becoming acquainted with his wife, who is very nice,
but in appearance almost a little girl. She is 14 years old,
but, by her own words, Demissew is her third husband. Woyzaro
Asalefech (literally "forcing to go"), a cousin of the Empress
Taitu, got married for the first time at the age of nine and
recently, in accordance with the wishes of the itege(25),
divorced her second husband and married Dajazmatch Demissew. The
life of women of the upper class in Abyssinia is a sad one. As
much as a woman of the lower class is free, the life of a woman
of the upper class is secluded. For entire weeks and sometimes
months, they do not leave their elfin(26). They are always
surrounded by dozens of maid servants. Here, in addition,
several boys are always found, sons of well-known people who are
subordinates of the dajazmatch, who teach etiquette and grammar.
All this is guarded by several gloomy, wrinkled, beardless
eunuchs.
On November 14, bidding good-bye to the
Dajazmatch and his wife, I left this amiable host. He led me
with flutes and with all his army to the banks of the Didessa
and at parting gave me a splendid mule with silver gear. In
return, at his request, I gave him a Gra gun, 100 cartridges,
and part of my traveling medicine chest -- some of all the
medicines, and likewise several bottles of vodka.
At three in the afternoon we crossed the wide
Didessa River.
The goods and people were transported by
Gallas on small, dug-out canoes, and the horses and mules swam
across. During the crossing there was a small accident. One of
my servants and a Galla were on one of the canoes. A servant
held the reins of my horse and the mule, which had just been
given to me, in order to lead them across to the other side. But
the new mule, as soon as it no longer felt the bottom under its
feet, suddenly turned back toward the bank. The reins fell under
the stern of the canoe and the canoe capsized. My servant, not
knowing how to swim, almost drowned, but this was, fortunately,
close to the bank, so a Galla arriving just in time saved him,
at the same time as losing a 3/8-inch-caliber rifle and also
some other things. The whole crossing took three hours.
The Didessa here is quite wide (300-400
paces) and very deep. The banks are overgrown with an enormous
ancient forest, interwoven with lianas, overhanging down to the
water. The river abounds with fish, crocodiles and
hippopotamuses. During the crossing, the Galla tried to make as
much noise as they could in order to scare away crocodiles.
At this place, the forest on the banks of the
Didessa stretches out in a narrow strip, behind which lies a
wide plain, overgrown with dense five-arshin [four-yard] high
grass, completely hiding both rider and horse. The road is
intersected by a thick network of interlacing paths, among which
it is difficult to distinguish which were made by animals and
which by people, and the high grass conceals from you all points
of orientation. Because of this, we finally lost our way and
were separated from our mules. We had to spend the night in a
secluded Galla farmstead, consisting of five houses.
Almost half of the population of this
farmstead died this year from fever. At our call, a boy
appeared. He was quite emaciated. A sheep skin thrown over his
thin shoulders was his only clothing. He was shaking all over
from fever, and the moans of several more sick people were heard
from the house. At the entrance several piles of stones were
heaped up; and bundles of high grass, scraps of material, coffee
seeds and some beads and shells were thrown on them. This is how
Galla offer sacrifices to the fever in order that it pass by
their houses.
The valley of the Didessa is one of the most
fever-ridden. The fever here is especially strong and every year
takes many victims. But the illness only lasts from May-June to
October-November. The other unhealthy characteristic of this
place is that every little wound easily turns into an ulcer;
almost the whole populace is afflicted by them.
At night I sent everyone to search for the
mules and goods, but it took until noon the next day for them to
find them and get back together. We spent the night at the home
of Ato Balaynekh, a shum of Dajazmatch Tesemma who had been sent
to meet us. He is responsible for the law court -- wambyr -- in
the half of the property of Dajazmatch Tesemma which lies
between the Didessa and Gaba Rivers. But his main duty, aside
from managing his own district, is to keep an eye on the
collections of taxes by the other shums. Here, as before, I was
received extremely cordially.
Ato Balaynekh is an interesting type of
Abyssinian of the old stock: lean, lively, sometimes brutal,
apparently brave, not as refined as the emperor's courtiers
today, rough and proud. He took part in the last expedition to
Aussa and, as he asserted, killed 32 Danakils(26). He doesn't
know how to shoot a rifle, but uses a spear exceptionally well.
On this side of the Didessa, the road turns
to the southwest; and the countryside changes sharply. Here
everything is completely concealed by forest and bushes. The
elevated and hilly countryside is broken by narrow, deep
valleys, in which many streams, descending from the summits of
Kaffa, pour their crystal clear water into the Baro or the Gaba.
All these valleys are thickly grown with coffee. The air is very
damp, and in the morning the dew is plentiful. Endless spring
reigns here, and there is no time of the year when no trees are
in flower. Ten to twelve years ago this countryside was
completely settled and, of course, there wasn't a piece of good
land left uncultivated. But a cattle disease led to famine, and
destruction of the population during the subjugation of the
region has left it half depopulated.
Riding through, every minute you come across
straight lines of kolkual cactus among the overgrowth,
indicating former property boundaries or the former fence of a
farmstead. Now the territory all around is completely covered
with bushes, thickly interwoven with thorny lianas. Rarely, you
come upon a Galla settlement, surrounded with banana trees. More
often, here and there, clearings are seen, where peas grow among
chopped and knocked down trees. By this picture you can judge
the fertility of the soil. Uncultivated ground gives just as
fine a harvest as that which has been sown. Beehives hang from
all the high trees near settlements. The honey from this area is
celebrated for its strength. The general impression produced by
this region is the most delightful: if it is possible to apply
the phrase "flowing in milk and honey" to any country, then
truly this is that country.
On November 16, we crossed the Dobona River
by bridge and spent the night at the home of a Galla. The family
consisted of the host, (the father of whom was killed by
Abyssinians during the subjugation), his mother and two wives.
One of the wives was exceptionally beautiful. The host himself,
apparently, was reconciled with his fate, but his mother looked
on Abyssinians with fear and anger and sat by the fire all night
long.
On the seventeenth, we took a very difficult
road to the Gaba River and, crossing it by bridge, spent the
night at the house of Balambaras(28),(29) Mansur. He was on a
raid with the Dajazmatch, and his wife took us in.
The banks of the Gaba River are precipitously
steep and do not allow crossing by ford. They took advantage of
this circumstance and on that side of the bridge built a gate
for the collection of duty from all incoming and outgoing
merchandise. Aside from the revenue, it also has military
significance, since it prevents desertion. An excellent mule of
mine died here. The day before, it was still quite healthy; but
at eleven o'clock in the morning, descending to the Gaba River,
it suddenly took ill. White foam poured from its nostril, and
after two minutes it was dead.
On the nineteenth, we crossed the Sor River,
also by bridge. The banks of the Sor, like those of the Gaba
were entirely overgrown with coffee.
On the twenty-first, we were ceremoniously
met by Fitaurari Wolda Ayb, a deputy of Dajazmatch Tesemma. He
had come three versts [two miles] from the town with his
available garrison.
Together, we went to the town of Gori. This
is the last Abyssinian town on the north-west border. The troops
who had come to meet me, bowed down to the ground to me, and,
surrounding me, led me to the house that had been prepared for
us. The clergy came from the church in Gori to meet me with
crosses and icons. The priest recited the Lord's Prayer, and
then began hymns, accompanied with dancing.
Gori is the residence of Dajazmatch Tesemma.
At this time, he was on a small expedition against the
neighboring Mocha. He had left Fitaurari Wolda Ayb as his
deputy, an old man, who had also served his father, Dajazmatch
Hadou. My arrival threw the old man into great confusion. The
day before, he had received a letter from the Emperor addressed
to the Dajazmatch, explaining the purpose of my visit and
ordering him to meet me with honor and to receive me well. In
Menelik's letter, it was said that I came to look at the country
and that he should show it to me.
But without a direct order from the
Dajazmatch the Fitaurari was afraid to do that. On the day
following my arrival, all this became clear. I demanded that the
Fitaurari give me a guides to Dajazmatch Tesemma in Mocha, but
he did not agree to this. Then I explained to him that I didn't
come here just to sit around; and, having the permission of the
emperor, in two days I would either set out to find Dajazmatch
Tesemma or go north to Dajazmatch Joti. The Fitaurari was in
despair. He implored me to wait here two weeks, believing that
in that time the dajazmatch should definitely return. But I
foresaw that two weeks would drag on to two months and did not
agree to that. My departure was set for Tuesday. Unfortunately,
I could not carry out this intention. The fever which I had
suffered in Addis Ababa and which had not left me for the whole
time of the trip, now came back in a stronger degree,
complicated by a large abscess on my stomach at the place where
I had had a hypodermic injection of quinine. On November 25, I
finally took to my bed, and only got up again three weeks later.
The twenty-third and twenty-fourth of
November, I had a misunderstanding with the servants. They
demanded that I give them five talers for clothing, and when I
said no, they went on strike. But I forestalled it, firing the
chief instigator. I whipped another who continued to stir up
trouble, and the commotion quieted down. At first, the one who
had been punished was bitterly offended and went to give his gun
back to me. I dismissed him and gave him three more talers for
the return journey. But in less than half an hour, priests came
to ask forgiveness for him, and he himself began to kiss my
feet. I was very happy at this outcome, as a moral victory,
definitely establishing my authority over him.
My illness, apparently, was not of the lungs,
since I suffered badly for three to four days, until I lanced
the abscess with a knife washed in sublimate. All the servants
sat at the entrance to my tent and wept mournfully.
On December 12, somewhat recovered from the
illness, I designated the fifteenth as the day of departure. But
this again had to be put off since the chief of my servants,
Wolda Tadik, became seriously ill. On December 20 a letter
arrived for me from Dajazmatch Tesemma, which said that he would
be happy to see "the eyes of a Russian friend" and asked me to
wait until Christmas, since he hoped to return at that time. The
letter was written from Mocha, and it was brought from there by
a Galla woman. I answered that I would wait, and I used the free
time to hunt, and also to become acquainted with the beliefs,
customs and history of the Galla. Through my servants I
questioned merchants who came that way, who had relations with
Negroes of Bako and Kaffa.
Our internal life was often troubled by my
servants fighting among themselves or with the local
inhabitants. That kind of business made it necessary for me to
dress wounds. On December 23, having quarreled with one another,
some took up guns, some took up sabers, and the issue threatened
to become a regular battle. Fortunately, I intervened in time
and calmed them down.
That's the way things were until December 31.
Wolda Tadik recovered. There was no news from Dajazmatch
Tesemma. There was no reason to stay here any longer, but I also
didn't want to leave without having seen the lands on the other
side of the Baro River. Since there was no legal way I could
penetrate beyond the Baro River, I tried to accomplish it by
cunning and force.
During my stay here, I was treated almost
like an honored captive. Fifty soldiers were posted around the
house, day and night, in order to "protect me from danger," as
the Fitaurari asserted. If I went out anywhere, to stroll or to
hunt, they all went along with me.
On the morning of December 31, I ordered two
horses be saddled (one of which I had bought the day before);
and at 8 o'clock in the morning, accompanied by one servant, I
quickly set out along the road that leads to the bridge across
the Baro. We took several biscuits with us and armed ourselves:
I had a sword, revolver and rifle, and my servant had my carbine
and saber.
Each of us had 40 cartridges. At 12 noon we
got as far as Didu Mountain, having covered, along a mountainous
road with frequent crossings, 50 versts [33 miles] in four
hours. Another 15 versts [12 miles] of difficult, swampy forest
road remained up to the Baro. Having given the horses a quarter
hour of rest, we moved along farther, but were soon forced to
dismount. The road was swampy, and we were sometimes up to our
knees in mud. The forest was shady and cool, since the ancient
enormous trees blocked the light of the sun. Among the trees
everything was completely overgrown with coffee bushes.
Already after eight versts [5 miles], we
heard the rumbling of a waterfall. Finally, at three o'clock in
the afternoon, we reached the great river. Over the river a
bridge had been thrown, for which they used two rocks halfway
along the riverbed. In this manner, the bridge was made up of
three spans, each 40 paces in length. Beyond the Baro began the
theater of military action and Mocha, a state that is kindred to
Kaffa, populated by people of the same Sidamo tribe(29). To the
north from Mocha, Negro tribes begin. Not being able to
seriously acquaint myself with these regions, I wanted at least
to glance superficially at them, and therefore, in spite of the
insistence of my servant that we return, I went farther. The sun
had already set, but the forest did not end, and there were no
traces of habitation. But there in a thicket the sound of voices
was heard. We went toward the sound; and in half an hour, we
found ourselves in the middle of coffee pickers. The wife of the
Abyssinian shum on this side of the Baro, had gathered all her
husband's remaining soldiers and risked crossing the river to
harvest coffee. At the entrance to a hut, hidden by banana
leaves, a fire crackled, and fifteen Abyssinian men sat around
it, chattering in an undertone. Our arrival absolutely amazed
them. In the hut, where they led me, I saw the bold woman leader
of this small detachment. Very beautiful, with almost white
skin, she reclined on a bed and breast-fed a child. They treated
me to flat-cakes made from corn and freshly picked coffee; this
was all of their provisions.
Chatting cheerfully, we sat around almost to
the coming of the new year.
My departure had caused a terrible commotion
in the city. Fitaurari Wolda Ayb raised everyone to their feet
and sent them after me. He wasn't afraid of a trick, but rather
that something had happened to me.
On the following day, having taken leave of
our hostess, I set out for the border of Mocha. Having gone some
distance through a countryside devastated by war, we turned
north and reached Alga, the farthest Abyssinian observation
point. This was a sort of small fort, surrounded by a deep moat,
with little bridges thrown over it. A guard stopped us here in
the name of Menelik and wouldn't let us in, until the commandant
came and, realizing who I was, admitted me. In Alga, I was
overtaken by a unit of men sent by the Fitaurari, with
Kanyazmatch(30) Sentayukh and Azzaj(31) Dubal. They asked me to
return, saying that I was at risk of being killed and that that
would be the ruin of them. On the following day, taking the
direction to the north along the slope of the mountains, after a
very difficult crossing we reached Sale, the district which
borders the lands of Negro tribes. From there, continuing again
to the north and descending, we again reached the Baro. At this
place it is even more beautiful than where I crossed it the
first time. Fifteen versts [10 miles] below the bridge, the Baro
divides into two streams which again unite here, forming two
beautiful waterfalls, of which the first is several sagenes
higher than the second [sagene = 2.13 meters].
Pedestrians cross the Baro here by jumping
from rock to rock, but horses and mules cannot do that. We tried
to have a mule cross by swimming above the waterfall, where the
current was not so strong; but the mule and the Abyssinian who
was crossing with him almost perished. Halfway across the river,
the servant hit a rock under the water, and letting go of the
mule, was carried away to the waterfall. Fortunately, we at that
moment held out a spear to him, which he grasped and leaped out
on the bank. While we saved the Abyssinian, the mule, fighting
against the current with difficulty, swam backwards and
helplessly floundered and fought in the water, not having the
strength to climb up on the steep bank, which had been
undermined by water. Passing lianas under his belly and grabbing
him -- some by the ears and some by the tail -- we somehow
finally dragged him from the water.
Forced to build a bridge, we made full use of
all the cutting weapons we had at hand. We wove the web of the
bridge out of lianas. The work moved along at full swing; and
after three hours, the bridge was ready. On this side, it began
with a climb on a smooth stone surface, along which ran part of
the water of the upper channel. My horse slipped and falling,
began to slide down the inclined plane to the waterfall. The
selflessness of my servants saved it. By some miracle, they held
their ground on the slippery inclined plane, caught hold of it
as well as possible, and, tying it with lianas, dragged it back
up. This day, crossing an uninhabited border zone, that
separates the lands of the Gallas and the Negroes of the Bako
tribe, we spent the night in the neighborhood of the well-known
market of Bure.
Bure is an important point of barter with
Negro tribes on this side of the Baro. At Saturday markets, they
bring for sale elephant tusks and sometimes their livestock, and
in exchange for that they buy ornaments, beads and cloth.
Besides this, Bure, located on the road from western Wollaga to
Kaffa and from Mocha and western Kaffa to Leka and Gojjam, is
important as a market for coffee. From Kaffa, Mocha, and the
neighboring districts, coffee goes to Bure, where it is resold
by other merchants who convey it to Leka or Bilo and there, in
turn, resell it.
Together with coffee goes much civet musk. I
succeeded in seeing a civet cat(32) at the shop of a Galla
merchant, who had a large quantity of them.(33) This animal is
found in great numbers in this area; they catch these animals in
snares. They put the captured cat in a long round cage, in which
it cannot turn around. They always keep it at the hearth in
homes. In almost every house, we saw two or three of these
cages. They feed these animals meat cooked in butter. Ten civets
can eat a ram in a day. Every nine days they gather the musk.
This takes three men. One, having opened the cage from behind,
takes the civet by the tail; another takes both back legs; and
the third, with a horn spoon, carefully scrapes the discharge
that has accumulated over this time. In nine days about two
teaspoons accumulates.
On the following day, in the morning, before
going to Gori, we went to see the market. It was eight o'clock
in the morning; and people began to gather at the large square,
surrounded with low huts, covered with banana leaves. Old men,
women with infants tied behind them at the waist, and youths all
stretched out in a long file, and each brought something: this
one a hen, that one a piece of salt, that one large banana
leaves, that one beads, that one handfuls of coffee... All of
them, waiting for the chekashum(34), crowded at the entrance and
with fear and curiosity looked at the never-before-seen white
man. Finally the shum arrived and climbed up into his tower. One
after the other, they let pass those who arrived. His helpers
inspected to see what each had with him, and if it wasn't much,
let him go by. From the others they collected a tax. For a ram
or goat they took salt (1/20 of a taler); for a shamma they also
took a little salt; from a sack of cotton several handfuls of
it, from a sack of corn likewise, and so on for all the
products. There weren't any large-scale merchants here. The
large-scale merchants had houses nearby, and it was an advantage
for them to sell at home rather than here. At the market, all
the surrounding population gathered, as at a large party. Each
had some kind of trifle with him, in order to trade it for
something else. For several coffee seeds, they sold a cup of
beer; for several bundles of cotton, tobacco in a pipe. There
were almost no talers in circulation, and all commerce was
exclusively by barter. They brought cows here as well, to mate
with a good bull, also for a known price.
There were baskets here and palm mats. Most
of the Galla wore a shamma thrown over their shoulders, with a
small leather apron around the waist; on the head they wore a
pointed hat made of the skin of a goat or a monkey. Galla of
this district have an exceptionally beautiful physique and are
tall. Among the Galla women I saw very many who were beautiful.
Around their waist was wrapped a large hide trimmed with beads
and shells, which they wore as a [White Russian] kokhlushka
skirt; on others even something like a leather sarafan. Most
wore their hair shoulder-length, plaited in large numbers of
braids. Some had their hair fluffed up and encircled with thin
horizontal braids.
One Galla woman had the most original hair
style: the hair was wound round a large number of sharp sticks
which stuck out of her head like needles. The men wear their
hair short, and children have their heads shaven all around,
with a clump of hair left in the middle.
In addition to the Galla, several Negroes
from the Yambo and Bako tribes came to the market. They wore
aprons made of leaves.
Their upper front teeth were knocked out, and
on the cheeks and on the forehead there were three longitudinal
lines. They brought cotton with them.
I returned to Gori that day, covering 50-60
versts [33-40 miles] in five and a half hours. Everyone in the
town was in complete despair, not having had any news of me. The
Fitaurari arrested the Arab merchant who sold me the horse, and
kept close watch on my servants. Learning of my return, he came
with bows and expressions of joy on the occasion of my safe
arrival. On my insistence, he freed the imprisoned Arab. I set
the day of my departure for January 7.
On the evening from January 5 to 6, we took
part in the religious procession to the Jordan. All the
neighboring population assembled for the church holiday and the
procession became huge. The deacons went first, all the children
from eight to twelve years old, after them the priests
ceremoniously carried on their heads the holy books and vessels;
then came a chorus of scribes -- debtera -- and then an endless
crowd of laymen, consisting of a large number of separate
choruses, singing songs that were not at all spiritual. The
deacons ring little bells, the debtera sing hymns and beat on
drums, the children and women shout shrilly, several people
shoot guns, and the procession ceremoniously proceeds to the
Jordan. After the religious procession, the leaders dined at my
tent. All night long, the singing and dancing did not stop. This
revelry presented astonishing contrasts. Hymns of the debtera
were interrupted by the loud women's chorus and the song
"Gobilye, gobilye", which means Lover, lover." And in the
intervals, when it was quiet, the measured reading of the holy
Gospel and the book of Mistir(35) was heard. And among all this,
now and then, gun shots resounded.
At two o'clock in the morning, the service at
the Jordan began. At five o'clock, the water was blessed. The
priest submerged the cross in water three times -- in the name
of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit -- after which he
poured it three times on his own head, on the heads of other
priests and on me. Then, nearly crushing one another, the people
rushed to the Jordan. After dinner on the bank of the river, the
return procession began, even more lively than the day before.
To the earlier choruses was added another one of Galla, who
although pagan were caught up in the general merriment and
joined in the holiday and danced their dance. The lead singer, a
Galla man of enormous size with a brutal face, stood in the
middle of a large circle. The chorus repeated on refrain, in a
fury: "Hoda, hoda;" and with the backs of their heads to one
another, the Galla made a tight circle and, holding spears
straight up and down, jumped up in time to the music. The lead
singer was in complete ecstasy, with the song on his lips. He
ran up to one and then another and aimed a spear at him. With
the sharp end right at your chest, looking at the ferocious,
brutal appearance of the Galla, it seemed he wouldn't hold back,
and the spear would pierce into your body... Several jumped up,
wildly growling and performing unusual body motions during the
jump...
Finally, the procession reached the church.
After a three-time religious procession around the church, a
volley of all guns was fired, and the priest went into the
church.
On January 8, having written a letter to the
Dajazmatch with thanks for his hospitality and having given this
to the Fitaurari, I left, accompanied by a huge convoy with
Azzaj Dubal and Kanyazmatch Work at the head. In the name of the
Dajazmatch, the Fitaurari gave presents to me and all of my
servants and also asked me to take a mule with gear, but I
declined this on the pretext that not being acquainted with the
Dajazmatch, I could not take gifts from him. He lead me beyond
the city with all his available soldiers, but, in spite of all
these honors, I realized that he secretly ordered that no one
should lead me to nor show me any other road than the one by
which I had arrived. Soldiers were sent far ahead with the order
to send away from the path any Galla whom I could ask about the
road. I intended to cross the Gaba, to move north by the large
road from Leka to Wollaga, but by chance found out that there is
another bridge and a better road across the Gaba. Despite all
the difficulties and the cunning of the convoy, I turned onto
this road, after first reconnoitering it. On January 11 we
reached the gates of the bridge across the Gaba. They didn't
want to let us pass, but we went by force.
On the far side begins Wollaga, and the
countryside changes completely. Here already it is not so humid
as in Ilu-Babur and Mocha, and the vegetation is not as rich,
but the country is more populated and the soil, although not as
black, is nonetheless apparently fertile. The prevailing type of
tree is mimosa. The inhabitants are the same type, but
apparently they are wealthier here. All of them were dressed in
shammas, and many even had trousers. Likewise the houses are
better and larger and as was the livestock -- a true sign of
abundance. I came upon many women with chocolate-colored skin:
some seemed from a distance white-skinned. Their hair was
divided into many thin locks, covered with a layer of light
yellow clay.
On January 12, we crossed the border of the
property of Dajazmatch Tesemma, and entered the estate of
Dajazmatch Demissew, and going past the large markets of Supe
and Sodo, we spent the night in the land of Abeko. On January
13, we reached the large commercial settlement of Gunji. Gunji
and Sodo, just like Bilo, is under the authority of a
nagada-ras. Here I received news that completely changed my
former plans. I found out that Dajazmatch Demissew was actively
gathering provisions to go on an expedition against Abdurakhman
(who rules over Beni Shangul and the course of the Tumat River),
and Dajazmatch Joti had been called to Dajazmatch Demissew and
already was on the way. Since the expedition, evidently, could
not be postponed because the rains were coming, I decided to go
as soon as possible to Dajazmatch Demissew to find out from him
the true state of affairs; and if there was going to be an
expedition, to try to take part in it. At seven o'clock in the
morning, accompanied by one servant and a guide, who led us to
the main road, I went to Didessa. After a five-hour fast trek by
a very difficult mountain road including crossing the Dobana
River, we reached the gates on that side of the Didessa. I
demanded that the leader of the guard post give us a guide to
show us the ford, but he refused. My servant and I had to find
it ourselves. The difficulty of finding it was heightened by the
fact there were a large number of trails on the other bank and
it was hard to distinguish which of them had been made by people
and which by hippopotamuses. We used guess-work and crossed
successfully. At six o'clock in the evening, having made a 80-90
verst [53 to 60 mile] passage, we reached the outpost of the
Dajazmatch. He was sick, but finding out about my arrival
greeted me with extreme pleasure, like an old friend. From him I
learned that the Emperor had indeed commanded him to prepare for
an expedition, and, at the first order, to quickly advance to
the western borders for action against Abdurakhman. He had
everything ready for the expedition, except 1,000 guns which he
should receive from Addis Ababa and for which men had already
been sent. Knowing of my desire to take part in the expedition,
he replied that he would be in the highest degree happy if I
would go with him, but it was necessary to get the permission
that for this from His Majesty. On the following morning, I sent
letters: one to the Emperor asking for permission to take part
in the expedition, and the other to Russia with the same
request.
On the third day after my arrival, the rest
of my servants and mules arrived. There had been an accident
while the crossing the Didessa, and crocodiles had carried off
one of my servants. Waiting for the answer from the Emperor, I
went hunting.
Having waited in vain for 14 days for the
answer to my letter, I began to fear that some difficulty had
arisen, and decided to go in person to Addis Ababa. On January
29, at eight o'clock in the morning, accompanied by one servant
-- he on a mule and I on a horse -- we set out on our journey.
The road was familiar, and we moved quickly. We had some
biscuits and a few pounds of barley, the supply of which we
refilled at local stops. The order of movement was as follows:
having fed the mules at dawn, we set out at six o'clock in the
morning and went at a trot, where the terrain permitted,
otherwise at a walk or by foot up until twelve or one o'clock.
Then at noon we took a short break and continued our advance
until sunset. In this manner, depending on the road, we crossed
from 90 to 110 versts [60 to 73 miles] a day. On the fourth day,
February 1, having in this time gone 350 to 370 versts [231 to
244 miles], I arrived in the evening at the capital and stayed
at the home of Mr. Mondon-Vidailhet.36
On the day after my arrival, I was received
by the Emperor. He was very interested in my journey and was
amazed at the speed of my passage. He told me that the
expedition would not take place, since Abdurakhman had said he
was ready to submit and agreed to the demand of the Negus to
come in person or send to Addis Ababa his father as an
expression of submission.
After several days disturbing news came from
Ras Wolda Giyorgis, who was on an expedition against Kaffa, and
the emperor ordered Demissew to go with his troops to help him.
Finding out about this, I returned to the Emperor with my former
request, but the Negus declined, justifying this refusal on the
grounds that he was a afraid I might be killed in his country.
All these troops had participated in the Italian war. Many of
them had relatives and friends killed there. Knowing that
Abyssinians make little distinction between white men, the
Emperor was afraid that that there could be some who would use
this occasion to avenge the death of their friend or relative
and would shoot me from behind on the day of battle. Despite my
argument that I would take all the consequences on my own
responsibility, he remained inflexible. I had to reconcile
myself with the bitter thought of being so close to war and not
taking part in it.
On February 11, my mules and servants
arrived, and on February 13, I set out, without luggage, on an
elephant hunt with Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer in Leka.
My equipment consisted of a small tent, two
packs with gifts, linen and clothes, and two large skins with
peas.(37) The armament consisted of six Gra guns, two
3/8-inch-caliber rifles, one carbine, one double-barreled
hunting gun, and one Gra system four-gauge elephant gun (with
explosive bullets) weighing 24 pounds, which I bought in Addis
Ababa for 120 talers.
Including my personal servant and the senior
servant, there were 14 servants, one per gun. Two men carried
the elephant gun in turns, since in addition to it, they also
had another burden and long marches were planned.
From Addis Ababa to Lekamte, the residence of
Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer is an estimated 360-400 versts
[238-264 miles]. The elephant hunting season had already begun.
I had little time left. I intended to cover this distance as
fast as possible, so that after hunting I could catch the
steamer leaving Djibouti on April 2. Therefore, having provided
myself with a letter from the Emperor to Dajazmatch Gebra
Egziabeer, I declined a translator and durgo along the way.
We set out at 12 noon on February 13. On the
15th, we camped at the vertex of a road crossing in Chalea. On
the 16th, having passed the city of Bareilu, and having made a
brief daytime stop at the city of Likamakos(38) Abata, we
climbed Mount Tibye. The shum of the Likamakos killed a ram for
us, and here we took part in the Lenten church service. On the
17th, we passed the summit of Mount Tibye and Mount Amara. On
the 18th, we crossed the upper reaches of the Gibye River; and
on the 19th, at 12 noon, we arrived at Lekamte. Thus we
traversed the whole distance in six days, going 60 versts [40
miles] a day along a very difficult mountain road. We set out at
six in the morning and walked till noon or one o'clock, made a
short stop. and then again walked until evening. We were on the
move ten to eleven hours a day.
Our food for this time consisted almost
exclusively of peas fried in a pan; and for the first days, up
until Lent, we ate gazelles killed along the way, for the most
part raw, so we did not have to drag them along with us.
Notified by me of my arrival, the Dajazmatch
sent all the soldiers at hand to meet me. I already knew
Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer from before. During my stay at the
home of Dajazmatch Demissew, Gebra Egziabeer was gravely ill. He
had a severe fever which he had caught on an elephant hunt. It
was immediately after the rains, when the huge grass was not yet
burnt. Having surrounded the elephants, they set fire to the
grass, but a stiff wind suddenly arose and spread the fire over
the whole field and carried the flames toward the hunters. They
saw too late the danger that was threatening them. Already there
was no way out.
Fortunately, there was a swamp nearby into
which they all threw themselves and hid in mud up to their
heads. The fire passed them by, taking several victims. Without
exception, all the survivors fell sick with a fever, from which
several men died.
Being of very strong constitution and not
having previously been sick, the Dajazmatch suffered especially
severely from the fever and asked me by letter to help him. One
day I went to him and gave him some of my quinine.
Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer is a Galla. From
time immemorial, his clan has ruled this region. Twenty years
ago it was conquered by the Tekla Haymanot, the Negus of Gojjam;
but he could not hold out here. Ras Gobana, the famous general
of Emperor Menelik, subdued all the surrounding Galla lands, and
Leka, in view of its hopeless situation, voluntarily submitted
to Menelik and now pays him a tribute consisting of 100
ukets(39) of ivory (150 pounds), 500 ukets of gold (about one
pound) and a fixed tax for houses and cattle. Moreover, the
inhabitants are obliged to maintain the troops of the Emperor
who are stationed within the bounds of the region. At the time
of the death of his father, Abakumsa (as Gebra Egziabeer used to
called) was christened and had one of his three wives christened
and repudiated the rest, giving them to his retinue. Emperor
Menelik and Empress Taitu were their godparents. At the
christening, he took the name Gebra Egziabeer -- which literally
means "God's slave." Promoted to Dajazmatch by Menelik, he
inherited all the possessions of his father: very extensive
possessions which, on the west, border on the possessions of
Abdurakhman. The Dajazmatch is a very sympathetic and
intelligent man. He is interested in everything, understands
what can interest a European, and recounts very wisely and
interestingly the history of his people and their former
customs.
On February 20, together with 800 men armed
with military guns, we began the hunt and set out to the north
toward the valley of the Abbay -- the Blue Nile. Each soldier,
in addition to a gun, also carried little skins of grain or
flour, enough for ten days. The kitchen went with us: two
servants, carrying on their shoulders in rope nets large broken
pumpkins in which hung dough that was being made sour for
injera. It was a luxury which I would have liked to have
foregone, but the Dajazmatch insisted on it.
My whole cargo was packed on one mule and
consisted of a small tent, one change of linen and two large
skins of corn for the servants -- enough for ten days.
The leader of the hunt was Baljeron(40) Haile
Maryam, also a Galla, but baptized and trying in every way to
imitate the Abyssinians.
The hunt was unsuccessful. We wasted ten
days, sending out scouts and looking for elephants where they
had been before. We found old tracks, but there were no
elephants.
We came across other game in great
quantities, but it was forbidden to shoot them.
On the last day, I killed a hippopotamus in
the Angar River. Since the provisions had run out, the Galla had
not eaten for a day. They dragged the dead hippopotamus with
lianas to the shore and quickly ate it up, roasting its white
flesh on the campfire.
On March 2 we returned to Lekamte.
Handek, the area where we hunted, embraces
all the southern course of the Angar River and the rivers which
flow into it from the left, and likewise the valley of the
Didessa River. Beyond Angar begins Lima, the property of the
Gojjam Negus, which extends to the Abbay River. Both the one
region and the other are uninhabited in their low-lying parts
because of dreadful fevers that reign there. Enticed by the
fertility of the soil, Galla go down there at the good time of
the year, sow seeds, and come back later to harvest. Large areas
of land are planted with cotton. It's hard to imagine a place
more beautiful than this.
Bounded on the southeast, the east and the
northeast by high mountains, cut by frequent streams and
rivulets, the banks of which are overgrown with thick forest, it
is all covered with low fruit trees with bright green glittering
leaves. These trees bear varieties of fruit which all have a
very thick layer of flesh and a stone in the middle. In taste,
they are for the most part sour.
On the day after our return, the Dajazmatch
assembled another party of hunters; and on March 4, we set out
again, this time with a detachment of a thousand Galla men,
armed only with spears, to places where no one had disturbed the
elephants for three years. The leaders of this hunt were Azzaj
Haile Iesus and Agafari(41) Wolda Giyorgis. Of the thousand men,
four hundred were on horse and armed with three small spears
each, and the other six hundred were on foot, half with small
spears and the other half with four-arshin-long
[three-yard-long] spears with huge points and yard-long blades.
This long spear is called a jambi.
They throw it from the top of a tall tree
when an elephant passes under it. The force of the fall of the
spear is so great that it sometimes pierces all the way through
an elephant. Usually, one such spear is sufficient to bring an
elephant down.
Only my servants and several soldiers of the
dajazmatch were armed with guns.
At first we divided into two detachments, one
of the azzaj, the other of the agafari, and set out toward the
west to the Didessa valley. After fruitless searches in the
forests surrounding the Didessa, on the third day we united
again and went up north, toward the watershed between the Angar
and the Didessa. For five days, our searches were fruitless,
despite the fact that setting out at dawn we only began to set
up camp at sunset. I was simply amazed at the endurance of the
Galla and, in particular, the endurance of the scouts who were
sent out ahead. If we did 40 versts [26 miles], then they,
probably, did at least 60 [40 miles], through dense bushes
overgrown with thorns, in part through high grass which was
half-burnt with sharp hard stalk bases. When you look at that
terrain, you are amazed at how they, barefoot, not only walk
through it, but even run.
We usually made camp in the valley of some
rivulet. When night fell and the campfires were lit, all the old
Galla would gather in conference with the azzaj, discussing what
to undertake and where to go tomorrow. Gray, taciturn, with an
invariable pipe between the lips, they seated themselves around
the fire and sedately deliberated, sometimes conjectured. When
the camp began to quiet down, each day a dialogue took place
that on the one side was the orders for the following day and on
the other side was a public prayer.
"Abe, abe," was heard from one end of the
camp.
"E,e,e," they answered from the other end.
"Tomorrow we will set out early to this
place."
"Good. Good."
"We have a guest with us."
"I know. I know."
"Until he shoots, no one else attack."
"Good. Good."
"May God help us find the elephant."
"Let it be so."
"Let Maryam help us."
"Let Giyorgis, Mikael, Gabriel help us."
"Listen, listen," cries one to the other.
"May Satan not get mad at us."
"May he not send a goro(42) at us."
"Let him not strike us with sickness."
"May the Angar, the Didessa Rivers help us."
"Let the Jirgo, Tume Sibu, Tibye Mountains
help us."
"All pray God that He help us." And amid the
night stillness there begins a drawling, plaintive song. Someone
asks for mercy upon him. Someone asks for an elephant to be sent
to him.
Someone asks that his spear be guided. Some
enumerate their previous triumphs. And long, long into the night
stillness, these plaintive sounds are heard.
Finally, on Sunday, March 9, we came upon a
fresh night track. The scouts who had been sent ahead reported
this to us; and the whole band, those who were on horseback at a
trot and the rest at a run, rushed there. Up until noon, we
couldn't catch the elephants. Finally, at 12:30, the scouts
reported that the elephants were resting in the shade of trees
by a nearby stream.
The Azzaj gave the order to surround the
elephants, and seventy mounted men (including me, since a week
before I had bought myself a hunting horse) rushed at a gallop
straight to the indicated spot. Having galloped three versts
[two miles], we suddenly heard cries, "There they are!" Fifty
paces in front of us, we saw a huge herd of elephants fleeing
from us. A hundred head of elephant, big and small and all red
from the clay of the stream bed, flapping their ears and
trembling with their whole bodies, raising high their trunks,
ran in panic. I shot several times from my horse. Some of my
companions shot, too. But the elephants hid. Meanwhile, the
bearers of jambi succeeded in climbing into the trees which
stood in the middle of the stream.
The other spear-bearers on foot likewise came
in time. The elephants, having tried to flee to the other side
of the stream, turned when they saw the mounted hunters. The
grass was set afire, and the frightened elephants scattered,
like a broken brood of partridges. There was no escape for them.
In the forest, the jambi struck them; on the edge of the forest
-- the spear-bearers on foot and my servants with guns. Just as
they broke out farther, we surrounded them, like a swarm of
flies, and even behind them along the plain, where high grass
grew and thick trees, we struck with whatever we could. Those
who had guns shot. The others hurled spears which plunged into
the elephants' bodies and which the elephants pulled out of
their wounds with their trunks and angrily threw back at us.
Anyone whom an elephant charged saved himself by fleeing while
others distracted the animal off to the side. If an elephant
pursued someone all the way to the hill, it was almost
impossible to escape. I saw how one elephant, having rushed at a
Galla who had galloped by at twenty paces from me, in the
twinkling of an eye snatched him from the saddle with his trunk,
let forth a cry and threw the man against the ground, intending
to trample him. Fortunately, others succeeded in distracting the
elephant, and it left his victim. In another case, an elephant
threw a large broken branch at a Galla who had been with us and
broke his arm. Five, ten, fifteen minutes of pursuit and an
elephant fell. It was then considered the catch of the one who
first wounded it, and the fortunate hunter rushed to cut the
tail and the end of the trunk and the ears as material evidence
of his triumph.
The field of the hunt presented an
interesting picture. All around the grass blazed with a
crackling sound. In the woods, there was endless shooting and
cries of terror or triumph, and all this uproar was drowned out
by the bellow and screech of the panic-stricken elephants,
throwing themselves now at one person, now at another. The Galla
believe that at such moments of despair the elephants are
praying to God, throwing sand and grass to heaven. I personally
saw elephants doing this.
Only at 7:30 in the evening did this hunt,
that was really more like a battle, end. None of us had had any
food in our mouths since morning, nor a drop of water. It was
impossible to drink from the stream because it was all red with
blood. But no one bothered to think of food or drink.
On this day forty-one elephants were killed.
Five were my share. (I killed three and my servants two). We
lost five men killed: three crushed by elephants and two killed
by our shots. One man had a broken bone in his right arm. With
triumphant songs, we returned to camp, not feeling tired.
On the following day, one group set out to
extract the tusks and another set out to pursue the wounded
elephants. Meanwhile I examined the wounds inflicted by my
elephant gun. It had a remarkable effect. I killed all my
elephants with it, and with a single bullet in the head.
On Tuesday, all the elders gathered and
sorted out the disputes about who first wounded an elephant. The
Gallas do anything to show their right to an elephant. They
resort to bribes and to guile. But the Azzaj knew the people he
was dealing with. He waited until the provisions had been
exhausted, so that hunger would separate the true from the
false. He didn't miscalculate. I didn't wait for the end of the
disputes. Since my elephants were without question, I hurried
off with my trophies to Lekamte.
On Thursday, March 13, at noon, the
Dajazmatch ceremoniously met me; and on Friday the 14th, at
three in the morning, I set out for Addis Ababa. The send-off
was moving, since during the hunt the Galla had grown fond of
me. As a gift, many of them on the day of the hunt had brought
me their spears, covered with the not yet dry blood of
elephants. They did this completely unselfishly. Gebra Egziabeer
and I exchanged gifts. I gave him the elephant gun, and he gave
me his own saber and a large buffalo goblet.
I forgot to mention that on the trip back to
Leka, the Galla drove out a buffalo. We pursued it on horseback.
The buffalo adroitly evaded and beat off the javelins with its
horns, but, nonetheless, loss of blood and the long gallop tired
it. Its head sunk all the lower. It raised high its tail and
breathed heavily. At that moment, a Galla ran up to it and
finished it with his spear.
The city of Lekamte, which I was leaving, is
a very important commercial center. All roads from southern and
western Abyssinia to Gojjam and from Gojjam to Massawa pass
through it. In addition, fords across the Didessa and the Abbay
are nearby. Through it also passes the road from Wollaga to
Shoa. Finally, apart from other considerations, here is
concentrated all the trade in gold, and here is found the main
trade in civet musk bought in the southwestern territories.
Lekamte is a very lively place and presents a motley mixture of
languages, dress, and peoples. You see here Arabs from
Beni-Shangul, and Negroes, and people from Gojjam, and Tigreans,
and Galla. There is even a Greek and an Englishman here. There
are two very interesting characters. The Greek, Balambaras(43)
Giyorgis, settled here 25 years ago. He fought in the ranks of
Negus Tekla Haymanot and took part in rebellions against him,
was several times imprisoned and again pardoned. At one time, he
molded the guns of the Negus, now he lives in Lekamte as a
merchant. He is the main buyer of gold and civet musk. He
described his life in a book, illustrated with drawings. This
book is written in the Geez language.44
The Englishman, Mekkelby, is a former lackey
who deserted his master, the name of whom he no longer remembers
-- apparently, he was one of the members of the embassy to Negus
Tewodros. He now serves Balambaras Giyorgis and has completely
forgotten his native tongue.
Of the sights of Lekamte, one worthy of note
is its newly built church. It is large, stone and decorated by
local artists. Like the majority of Abyssinian churches, this is
a round building with a quadrangular altar and four gates to the
four sides of the world. On the royal and west gates are
depicted Archangels Gabriel and Raphael, the former on the right
side of the door, the latter on the left. Gabriel is dressed in
a colorful shirt, red hat and red turned-up shoes, and in his
hand is a raised sword; under him is depicted the sea in which
Pharaoh and his Egyptians drown; and on the bank, Moses, with a
long black beard, dances and claps his hands among a chorus of
Levites. Archangel Raphael is dressed the same as Gabriel, and
is shown standing over the sea with fish swimming in it. He has
pierced one of the fish through the gills with a spear.
According to legend, the fish turned into an island, on which
saints hid in time of persecution. To the right of the royal
gates, under a large icon of the Mother of God, Menelik and
Taitu are depicted, pointing to Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer and
his wife with two children. The Dajazmatch devoutly looks upward
and holds in his hands the Psalter. To the left of the royal
gates, under icons of Archangel Michael and George the
Victorious, the Dajazmatch is also depicted, with his associates
-- Azzaj and Nagada-ras -- his uncle and his brother.
I once attended mass in this church and saw a
large number of newly christened Galla receiving communion.
Christianity here makes enormous progress, and each Sunday the
newly converted number in the dozens. In spite of the fact that
the Dajazmatch does not collect taxes for himself personally,
the palace of the Dajazmatch is notable for its splendor and
comparative comfort. One sees the desire to imitate Abyssinian
etiquette in everything.
Leaving Lekamte on March 14, at three in the
afternoon, we spent the night at a distance of 20 versts [14
miles], at the house of the uncle of the Dajazmatch. Early in
the morning of the day of my departure, I sent a letter to the
Emperor with news of the successful hunt.
Because of the addition to our baggage of ten
tusks and two buffalo horns, I had to add another horse to our
previous two mules.
The animals had rested during the time of the
hunt, staying in the town; but after uninterrupted, tiresome
marches in very poor conditions the servants were, apparently,
exhausted. Out of the 29 days, counting from the day we left
Addis Ababa, they had had only one day of rest and one day of
partial rest, when they took the tusks. In the first six days,
we went 360 versts [240 miles]; for the rest we journeyed for no
less than seven hours a day. Many had broken toenails and cracks
in the soles of their feet and limped. But their spirit was
cheerful, and on the sixth day, on Wednesday, March 19, we made
camp in the evening at a distance of three versts [two miles]
from Addis Ababa (one stage of the journey, from Bilo to Jibat,
we made without stopping, starting at 5:30 in the morning and
finishing at 8 o'clock at night. One mule stopped, and I
replaced it with a horse).
On March 20, the Emperor, learning of my
arrival, sent a large convoy to meet me. With firing of guns,
singing and dancing, as is customary in such cases, they led me
to the palace, where Menelik ceremoniously received me. After
the reception, he invited me to lunch, and likewise fed all my
servants. On the following day, he gave me a private audience
and, knowing that I intended to leave on Saturday, asked me to
postpone my departure to Tuesday, March 25.
My mules were exhausted, and my servants
also. Therefore, for the journey to the coast I had to refill
the ranks. ( On leaving, I sold the mules remaining from the
first trip, since they were almost all done for). I found
servants very quickly and hired 12 men, the same as the number
of guns. The Emperor gave me six mules for as far as Harar.
The Emperor ceremoniously received me in a
farewell audience, and expressed the desire to see me again in
Abyssinia. Saying good-bye to my friends and the European
colony, I left on Tuesday, March 25, at one o'clock in the
afternoon. The Emperor bestowed on me a lion's battle dress and
lion's head band.
On April 4, at 7 o'clock in the morning, we
arrived in Harar, having gone a distance of about 600 versts
[400 miles] in ten and a half days along the mountainous
Chercher road, despite the fact that during this time I went 40
versts out of the way to meet the caravan of Ato Iosif, for my
goods. On April 8, at 10 o'clock, I set out with eight servants
and the same mules to Geldessa, where I arrived that same day.
On the following day, at 12 o'clock, having put together a
caravan of five camels and having sent the mules back, I moved
on to Djibouti, where I arrived on April 16 at 8 o'clock in the
morning, having left the caravan 50 versts [33 miles] behind.
(It arrived on the following day at 12 o'clock).
On April 21, the French steamship "Amazon"
arrived, and I left the shores of Africa, which had been so
hospitable to me. I took with me the best and warmest memories
of this country where I had been and of the people whom fate had
destined that I come to know.
The western regions of southern Ethiopia
belong to the following basins: 1) Awash, 2) Guder (tributary of
the Blue Nile), 3) Gibye (tributary of the Sobat), 4) Didessa
(tributary of the Blue Nile), and 5) Baro (tributary of the
Sobat).
1) The Awash rises in the mountains of Mecha,
among the peaks of Dolota and Elfek. At first it flows to the
south and then going out of the mountains into the plain, it
receives several insignificant streams from the left and from
the right. Reaching the mountains of Sodo and having taken into
itself from the left the Akaki River, which descends from the
mountains of Entotto, the Awash turns east, and then going 200
versts [132 miles] in this direction, to the north, where from
the left it takes the Kassam River, which descends from the
mountains of Shoa. Not reaching the sea, the Awash disappears in
the sands.
At the spot where I crossed the Awash, its
river-bed differed from other rivulets, which discharge into it
and flow in the same plain, by its seemingly polished stone
bottom. The banks of Awash are very beautiful. To the right and
the left in a strip a hundred sagenes [213 meters] in width,
they are overgrown with beds of young trees, like islands,
isolated amid the high grass.
In each such clump, the trees grow close to
one another and belong to various species, of which many only
grow in much lower zones and are not normally found in places
near the Awash. It must be that their seeds were brought here by
the wind. I think that such an eccentric grouping of trees must
be attributed to the yearly flooding of the Awash and the speed
of its current.
2) The Guder arises on the Tikur plateau from
a small swampy lake. It flows at first to the north, and from
the mountains of Mecha turns northwest and empties into the
Abbay. Its current is very swift and rough, with frequent
waterfalls. Its banks are rocky. Of its more significant
tributaries one can mention the Uluk River, which descends from
the mountains of Chobo. It empties into the Guder from the
right. The Haratit River flows from the mountains of Toke and
empties into the Guder from the left. Both of those flow in
rocky banks. On the Uluk River, in the vicinity of Ambo, there
are hot springs.
3) The Gibye arises in the mountains of Guder
and flows in deep canyons among the mountains of Tibye and Sibu
to the south, where, passing these mountains, it enters a wide
plain. Here it takes on from the left the Alanga River, which
gathers into itself all the waters of the southern slopes of
Chalea and the western slope of Toke, and continues to go to the
south along a wide valley. Having taken into itself from the
right another river also named "Gibye," which flows from the
mountains of Limu, and joining with the Omo River, which falls
down from the mountains of Kaffa, it is a river with many names,
which turns to the west, skirts Kaffa from the south, then turns
north and empties into the low-lying marshy plain of Bako, where
it joins with the Baro and rivers of the western slopes of the
Kaffa heights and flows out to the west under the name of the
Sobat(45) River.
I believe that after the loss of the
expedition of Captain Bottego(46) there can no longer be any
doubt that the the upper reaches of the Gibye River are the same
as the upper reaches of the Sobat River, and not some other
river, which empties into Lake Rudolf, as had been supposed
before. D'Abbadie had even earlier proposed that the Gibye is
the upper reaches of the Nile.(47)
The goal of the expedition of Captain Bottego
was to discover the course of this river. The expedition was
annihilated at the end of February 1897 approximately 800 versts
[528 miles] to the west of Entotto and 200 versts [132 miles] to
the north of the city of Gori in the property of Dajazmatch Joti
in the province of Wollaga. The fact that it was destroyed at
this place serves as evidence of what was said above, since,
following the course of the river, the expedition left Kaffa
behind and arrived at this place, which is the low-lying plain
in which the tributaries of the Sobat join together. From time
to time, news of this expedition was received from Abyssinian
sources, which made it possible to draw a conclusion about its
whereabouts. So, in the summer of 1896, the expedition was at
the upper reaches of the Webi, since several of its soldiers
fled from there. In the fall, rumor had it that there were
Europeans with guns to the south of Mocha.
The campaigns of Abyssinians to the south
likewise confirm that the Gibye is the upper reaches of the
Sobat. In his last campaign from Ilu-Babur to Mocha and Gimiro,
Dajazmatch Tesemma went with his armies to a large river which
was impassable. They named it Nichsar, which means "white
grass," and are convinced that it is the Nile.
The Gibye at the place where I crossed it,
flows in low-lying banks. Its width is about 75 paces. The
current is not very fast. The banks are overgrown with a narrow
band of forest, behind which stretches steppe, covered with
grass five arshins [four yards] high.
4) The Didessa River flows from the mountains
of Gomo to the north and empties into the Abbay. From the right,
it takes into itself the Rivers Enareya and Aet which flow from
the mountains of Lima, and then the large Wam River, which
arises in the north in the mountains of Sibu, 100 versts [66
miles] to the north from Abbay. The Wam flows at first to the
south, and skirting the mountains of Leka, turns to the north
and empties into the Didessa. Not far from where it empties into
the Abbay, the Didessa takes on from the right the large Angar
River, which flows from the mountains of Guder. From the left
side, the Dobana River, which rises in the mountains of Guma,
empties into the Didessa.
The Didessa and its tributaries in their
upper reaches are very rough and swift, and flow in rocky banks,
but passing into the plain it flows quietly and is only
occasionally interrupted by rapids. The banks are low and
overgrown with a thick band of forest. In the place where I
crossed it, the speed of the current was one to one and a half
sagenes [2 to 3 meters] per second. Its width was about 100
sagenes [213 meters]. At the time of our crossing in November,
it was so deep that I couldn't reach the bottom with a long
spear. In January, we were able to wade across. After its
junction with the Angar there are no longer any rapids and,
according to reliable individuals who know the area, both it and
the Abbay can be navigable.
5) The Baro River descends from the mountains
of Kaffa and flows at first to the south. Going down into the
low-lying valley of Bako, it joins with the Gibye or the
Omo.(48) The Baro takes into itself from the right side the Gaba
River, and from the left the Gunji River. The Baro and all these
rivers flow in deep canyons, overgrown with coffee forests.
Their current is very swift, with frequent waterfalls. The
bottom is stone. The width of the Baro at the place where I
crossed it is 120 paces. The depth in the middle is more than
two sagenes [4 meters]. On the stone banks there are
characteristic craters. The Gaba River flows down from the
mountains of Goma and flows between rocky cliffs, with only two
crossing points, where there are bridges.
The Gaba takes from the left the Sor River,
which flows down from the mountains of Soyo, and from the right
the Birbir River. The Birbir is a significant river. After
joining with the Didessa, the Abbay does not have any
significant tributaries until the Dabus, since along its left
bank stretches a mountain ridge, which consists of a
continuation of the mountain ridge of Darima.
Therefore, all the water of the southern
slopes of this mountain ridge, despite its closeness to the
Abbay, cannot join with it, and, going into the Birbir River,
empties into the Gaba.
Thus we see that with the exception of the
Awash, which flows in the direction of the Red Sea and is lost
in the sand, all the other waters belong to the two main
tributaries of the Nile, to the basins of the Sobat and the
Abbay.
The water of these rivers is exceptionally
clear and clean. In time of rain, it becomes red from mixing
with clay from the mountains. This clay is composed of the same
fertile components as the silt of the Nile.
The mountains of the south-west regions of
Ethiopia are the heart of a mountain range, extending from three
mountain masses.
1) The Mountains of Metalla and Mecha are a
continuation of the plateau of Shoa. Mecha is a a plateau with
separate summits of Tulu, Elfek and Dolota. To the south they
end in rocky cliffs.
2) The Gurage plateau, turning into the Tikur
plateau, is continued by the mountain ridges of Toke, Chalea,
Tibye, Guder and Lima to the northwest, where it breaks off in
the valley of the Abbay.
The appearance of this mountain range is
extraordinary along all its extent. Chobo and Dandi look like a
plateau strewn with round hills. The Tikur plateau looks like a
plain with the summits of Bolo and Roge towering in the middle.
Toke is a group of cone-shaped mountains covered with forest.
Following it, the mountains of Chalea have a peculiar form of
oblong heights with the appearance of an ellipse with two cones
on both ends, of which the southern is larger than the northern.
The tributaries of the Guder flow in the rocky cliffs of the
mountains of Chalea.
The Chalea-Wobo rises and intersects the
mountains of Tibye, which look like a row of raised mountain
ridges with separate cone-shaped sharp rocky summits. Such are
the summits of Tibye, Tulu, Amara, Shumbera, Araresa-Ganou and
Tulu-Gomdo.
North of Tibye, the mountains get lower and,
rising again on that side of the Gibye River, form the high Sibu
mountain group with the summit of Tuka (3,120 meters). Tuka
Mountain has the appearance of a pyramid with very wide base
compared with its height, such that from a distance it does not
give the impression that it is as high as it is. A series of
peaks, joining with the mountains of Nonno stretches out from it
very characteristically to the southeast. They look like stone
posts or rock caps.
To the north, the mountains of Sibu intersect
with the mountains of Guder, which intersect the mountains of
Lima. One of the spurs of Sibu descends, getting lower to the
south. Going to the banks of the Didessa, it again rises and
forms the mountain ridge of Leka.
The average height of these mountains is
2,500 meters, and individual peaks attain 3,000 meters. The
summit of Tuka, the highest, is 3,120 meters.
3) To the west of the just described mountain
ridge, the mountains are in essence mountain ridges, extending
from the Kaffa heights. One of these goes to the east and
consists of the mountains of Lima or Enareya. The latter get
lower to the north and intersect with the mountains of Nonno
with the mountain peak Koncho. Nonno is a group of mountains in
the shape of cones, surrounded by cap-shaped rocky hills.
Another mountain ridge goes to the north
along the left bank of the Didessa and is divided into two
spurs. One of these spurs, which at first is called Buna and
then Dolati, goes along the left bank of the Didessa, separating
it from the Dobana River. The other, named Darima, at first
follows along the left bank of the Dobana River and separates
the basin of the Dobana from the basin of the Gaba River. Then
it separates into two spurs: one goes to the west, separating
the basins of the Gaba and the Birbir, and the other continues
to go along the left bank of the Didessa, then turns to the west
and follows along the left bank of the Abbay until it empties
into the Dabus.
The following summits are found on these
spurs: in the land of Guma at the point where the main mountain
range separates into two spurs is the summit of Tulu Jiren,
which from a distance looks like an extinct volcano; in Buna is
the summit Anna, covered with forest, which gives the impression
of a large hill; on the mountain ridge of Dolota are the
mountains of Tulu Amara and Tuto, which also look like large
hills, but not covered with forest; on the Darima mountain ridge
is the extinct volcano Mako, and farther is a mountain group
with the extinct volcano Tulu Jirgo. The height of all these
summits is no greater than 3,000 meters, and the general average
height of the mountain ridge is 2,200 meters.
The third mountain ridge goes from the Kaffa
heights to the west, forming the mountain group of Sayo, with a
summit of the same name which is shaped like a hill and covered
with forest, then, in turn, separates into several mountain
ridges which, spreading out like radii, separate the tributaries
of the Baro River and the Gaba River. The western spur is the
highest and ends in the Dida mountain group. On one of the
middle spurs there are several rocky summits, and its northern
extremity is crowned with Guratcha Mountain. The average height
of these mountain ridges is about 2,000 meters above sea level.
The summit of Sayo is about 2,500 meters high, as is Dida.
All the mountain ridges and the separate
heights of these mountains are covered with thick forest.
The fourth mountain ridge goes from the Kaffa
heights along the left bank of the Baro, forms the mountain
ridges of Alga and Sale and comes to an abrupt end in the Bako
plain. It also is covered with forest.
By its outward appearance and geological
structure, part of the mountains of the west Ethiopian heights
are undoubtedly of volcanic origin. All the mountains to the
east of the Gaba River are of volcanic origin. To the west of
the Gaba and to the north of the Birbir, they do not have that
nature. The difference is apparent in the shape of these
mountains. The soil is also different. Red and black volcanic
clay on the east changes to black earth in areas of rich
vegetation and sands in the lowlands. The difference is
noticeable also in the fact that the eastern mountains abound in
iron, and gold is extracted from the northwest mountains. Hot
sulfuric springs are found very often in the eastern mountains.
This region should be extremely interesting
from the geological point of view, but to my deepest regret, I
am not well enough acquainted with that field of human knowledge
to make useful observations and draw correct conclusions.
Depending on the elevation of the area above
sea level, Abyssinians distinguish three climatic zones: dega,
wayna-dega, and kola. Those areas which are higher than 2,500
meters above sea level are called dega. Areas from 1,800 to
2,500 meters are called wayna-dega. And those lower than 1,800
meters are called kola. In translation dega means "elevation" or
"cold".
Wayna-dega means "grape elevation," or "place
where you can grow grapes." Kola means "hot place." Almost all
the territory of this part of the western Ethiopian heights
belongs to the wayna-dega zone. The only exceptions are
individual summits, which cross into the dega zone, and
low-lying valleys of rivers and likewise the whole Handek area
which are kola.
But aside from this division by elevation
above sea level, southwestern Ethiopia is also categorized into
three separate climatic zones by its humidity, and the time of
year and quantity of rainfall:
1) The area to the west of the Didessa and
the Sibu mountain ridge and Leka, and likewise the elevated area
on the right side of the Gaba River -- Wollaga and Abeko;
2) the low-lying area along the course of the
Didessa and Abbay; and
3) the area south of the Gaba River.
In the first area there is one rainy season,
which begins in June and continues to September. This period is
called keremt.
The period of time that follows that -- baga
-- has no rain, and in November the level of the rivers goes
down. The hottest season is January and February. Then the sky
is cloudless and there is no wind. In March rain falls rarely
and there are southern winds. In May strong eastern winds blow
and keremt comes, at the end of which strong western winds blow.
In the second area, the winds are the same as
above, but the rainy season begins later and ends earlier, and
rain falls less frequently. There is one rainy season in July
and August. The air is also much drier than in the first area.
In the third area, there are two rainy
seasons. The first and strongest lasts from July to September.
The second begins at the end of January and lasts to the end of
March. The air is extremely humid. During the first rainy season
eastern winds blow, during the second southern winds, and in
between there is calm.
Such a difference of climate between the
first two areas and the third can, I believe, be explained by
the location of the mountains. The mountains of Kaffa and Gurage
prevent free access of southern winds in the first two areas,
while they cannot prevent access to the third area, because this
area is on the western slopes of the Kaffa heights, which in
this case rather prevents free access of eastern winds. The
climate here must be similar to the climate of the great lakes.
The most healthy of these climates is that in the first area.
Dry air is healthy.
The climate of the second area is also very
favorable, but the air is too humid, and diseases there are more
frequent. The most unhealthy climate is the third area. For six
months of the year, from April to November, strange fevers reign
there. Furthermore, every little wound opened in that area
almost always turns into a malignant sore. This territory is
entirely uninhabited. Galla from lands that border this region
go down there in the better time of the year, do their sowing,
and go away, returning again at harvest time.
The temperature of the first and third areas
is very moderate. It does not go higher than 40o Reaumur [122o
F] in the sun during the day, and at night does not fall to
lower than 12o Reaumur [59o F]. On the summits of mountains the
temperature at night drops to 8o Reaumur [50o F]. In low-lying
areas the temperature during the day goes up to 45o Reaumur
[133o F] in the sun, and at night does not go lower than 15o
Reaumur [66o F].
The transparency of the air changes depending
on the time of year. It is clearest for some time after the end
of the rainy season, when the air is not yet filled with mist.
In January they begin to burn the dry grass and the air is
filled with particles of smoke and dust and becomes very opaque.
Because of the dryness, the air is clearer in the eastern
regions than in the west.
Thunderstorms happen most often in March and
April and at the onset of the rainy season. There are no
thunderstorms during the rainy season. Sometimes these storms
are very violent and local inhabitants fear them. You repeatedly
hear about fatal lightning accidents.
The length of the day is the same as in the
rest of the tropics in general: between the longest and the
shortest day there is a several minute difference which depends
on latitude.
Night falls extremely swiftly. About half an
hour after sunset, it is already completely dark.
Vegetation differs in the dega, wayna-dega,
and kola zones.
The western and eastern regions also differ
from one another.
The characteristic tree for the dega area is
the kusso(49) -- a very beautiful leafy tree, which attains
great size. Its fruit has the appearance of large red clusters.
The Abyssinians use them to purge themselves of parasitic worms.
They take kusso regularly every two months. The characteristic
grain of the dega is barley, which is not sown in lower areas.
The majority of trees are common to both the
dega and wayna-dega. The forests mainly abound in ted and tis
--two kinds of juniper. These trees attain great height and
size. Old trees are covered with white moss, picturesquely mixed
with the branches, which the Abyssinians call zaf shebat -- "the
gray hair of the tree." A dense network of thin lianas covers
the trees.
Large fig-trees and sycamores -- vanza(50)
and worka(51) are found near settlements. You could arrange an
entire battalion in their shade. There is also a very beautiful
leafy tree -- the birbirsa. In forests the gesho(52) bush grows
in abundance. Its leaves are useful for cooking honey: they take
the place of hops. The kolkual are remarkably enormous cactus
trees, which Galla plant around their farmsteads. From the
trunks of the cactus they also hollow out beehives, because the
wood is very soft and light. On the plains of Wollaga, Leka and
Shoa gerara trees grow separately. These acacias are
characteristic of the landscape of these plains. In Abyssinia
there are several varieties of gerara; the variety changes
depending on the altitude of the place and the quantity of
moisture. In addition, the jibara(53) is a characteristic plant,
with its sharp thorny leaves, with a lilac-colored flower on top
of its long stem. Of the cultivated trees, we mention the kogo
or banana ensete -- musa ensete. The root of this tree is used
as food. Around their homes, Galla also plant trees which bear
nuts from which they press out oil.
The grain plants which belong in the
wayna-dega zone are very diverse: wheat, mashella (sorghum),
tef(54), dagussa(55) from which beer is made, and bakhr mashella
(corn); but bakhr mashella is mainly grown in the kola zone.
They grow a lot of red pepper, ater (peas), shumbera (another
variety of peas, which does not twist and the seeds of which are
not round, but rather faceted), and bakela (beans), a plant
which gives pods with very small seeds. The bakela is very
poisonous and strikes the nervous system; but, nevertheless,
Abyssinians cultivate it. After cooking, when the water is
poured out, it loses its poisonous properties. In their gardens,
they plant a cabbage, which does not have heads and attains
enormous height. They sow onions (shunkurt), garlic
(nachshunkurt), and lentils (mysyr). In several areas, they sow
talby, a kind of flax. Its stalk isn't used, but they eat the
seeds which, they say, restore one's strength. They cultivate
the following root crops: potatoes, which are less oblong and
harder than ours; and guder, a twisting plant with fruit like
small red spotted pumpkins. The guder has a root that is very
tasty and resembles the taste of potatoes.(56)
The Gallas also sow pumpkins. One species of
pumpkins, almost hollow inside, serves in the manufacture of
containers for water.
From these they also make canteens for
travel. The huge burdock(57) is characteristic of the
uncultivated plants. Its stem is similar to the trunk of a tree,
and its flowers are the size of a man's head.
The steppe is covered with grass that reaches
a height of one to one and a half arshins [about 28 to 42
inches]. No sooner does it dry than it burns.
The vegetation of the western regions, thanks
to the moisture of the climate, is much richer. Huge forests
have grown up, dense with trees of every possible species, and a
non-botanist has difficulty distinguishing among them. Enormous
trees with triquitrous [triangular] stems are characteristic of
these forests. For instance, coffee trees grow in abundance
along the banks of rivers. These coffee trees attain a height of
two sagenes [4.26 meters] and in November are entirely strewn
with seeds, which are harvested at the end of December, when
they are already falling from the trees. Since the seeds turn
black by lying on the damp ground, this coffee loses part of its
value.
Among these trees there are many which
possess medicinal properties, for instance the enkoko tree. Its
fruit, which looks like a cluster, is used as a laxative and to
purge parasitic worms. There are poisonous trees, such as the
acacia, which bears fruit which looks like beans. These beans
poison fish, which, having eaten them, die instantly. A very
wide-spread soapy tree is the entod. Its fruit is dried, turned
into flour and serves as an excellent soap. Bamboo and palm
trees are found in the forests. All the trees are thickly
interwoven with liana of several varieties, one of which has
terribly sharp thorns. Its leaves and fruits do not at all
differ from our raspberries. In general, the forests abound in
thorny trees. There is even one tree which has thorns on its
trunk.
The cultivated plants in the west are the
same as those found in the east, with the exception of a few
which are not found in the east or which are very rare there.
For instance, in the west, they sow sugar-cane, which closely
resembles mashella among plantings of mashella. They eat it raw:
they clean the skin from the stalk, then chew the stalk, and
having sucked out the sap, spit it out what remains.
The forest abounds in flowers. Twisting
plants with round fruit two and a half inches in diameter are
among those which are characteristic of these forests. The fruit
is covered with a rind which is green with spots and has a white
core with black seeds -- in a word, it is similar to a
watermelon. The forests of the western regions are strewn with
them: Abyssinians call them yasaytan duba, that is "the devil's
own pumpkin."
The vegetation of the kola, and for the most
part of Handek, differs from the vegetation of the areas just
described. All along the steppe are scattered separate trees,
which are small with bright-green shiny leaves without thorns.
By their appearance they resemble peach and apple trees. The
Galla distinguish 12 varieties of this tree, depending on the
fruit which they bear. Unfortunately, at the time when I was
there, there was no fruit, because it only ripens in August and
September. I tasted only one species -- red berries with a very
thin layer of flesh and a huge seed, with a sour taste. The
banks of streams are overgrown with huge forests.
At the good time of the year, when there is
no fever, Galla descend to the kola regions and sow corn and
cotton. Many of the herbs are medicinal and spicy. There is
ginger, a spicy plant called korkoruma, and a kind of red pepper
mit-mita, which is terribly hot. Grass in the kola attains
enormous height, hiding both horse and rider. In river valleys,
the stalks of grass are five arshins [four yards] high.
In these areas, it would be possible to
successfully grow chinona, cinnamon, cork, and tea trees, and
likewise many other trees which yield valuable products.
The insect kingdom is very rich. Huge red and
black ants are characteristic of the western regions. They are
the scourge of the population, destroying edible supplies and
flooding the house every evening. Another species of ant, the
white, mist, destroys buildings. Every three years the
inhabitants have to build their houses over again. Furthermore,
bees abound in this area. They give three kinds of honey.
Especially black honey, from which very
strong tej is made, is found in the western forest regions.
Especially white and particularly fragrant honey is found in the
lower regions in Handek. And a honey which is the average
between these two appearances is found in the other regions.
There is a kind of wasp, named tasm, which gives honey. It is
found in the ground.
This honey is very tasty, somewhat sour,
particularly nutritious and restores one's strength. The
inhabitants recommend it for its medicinal properties.
In the west, in January I came upon a swarm
of locusts, accompanied by flocks of white birds, which were
feeding on them.
Thanks to the fact that the farmsteads were
widely dispersed, the inhabitants succeeded in not allowing them
to get to the crops, chasing them into the forest.
In the west, the flies are larger but, in
general there are not very many of them. Of reptiles, there are
lizards, turtles, and snakes, including many poisonous ones.
There are huge snakes the teeth of which are considered a
talisman and remedy for diseases. These teeth are very difficult
to obtain and therefore are very costly -- up to 15 talers per
tooth. Crocodiles are found in the rivers.
The fauna, which depends on the elevation of
the area, is divided into two groups. In the first group belong
animals which inhabit the heights of the dega and wayna-dega. In
the second belong animals of the kola. The most wide-spread
animals in the wayna-dega are antelopes and chamois-bulls of
several varieties.
The chamois-bulls (orobo) live in the lowest
plains, but are seen also in the kola. They have sleek, brown
hair. In their size and in the shape of their face, they are
like an ox. They have huge horns (one to one and a half arshins
[28 to 42 inches] long), which stand straight up. The surface of
the horn is not smooth, but spiral shaped. They are very easy to
shoot because they are not watchful and not easily frightened.
An orobo, having heard a shot, will at first look for where the
shooting came from and who his enemy is. If he doesn't see a
human and isn't wounded, he does not run away. This means that
you can shoot and stay put several times in the ox's vicinity.
Another type of chamois-bull is the dukula. It is the size of a
calf and has a face like an ox, but its horns are lighter and
straight, from 4 to 6 vershoks [7 to 10-1/2 inches] in length.
Its hair is sleek and brown. They are very watchful and it is
difficult to hunt them . They are found in the wayna-dega zone
and rarely descent to the kola. Antelopes belong in two
categories: bokhor and myeda-feyel. The bokhor is the size of a
goat, with sleek brown hair, and horns bent a bit backwards. The
myeda-feyel is smaller, with gray hair and straight horns. The
word myeda-feyel in translation means "billy-goat of the plain."
They live in plains and in mountains of the wayna-dega, rarely
going down from there. These animals are very sensitive and
watchful and it is difficult to hunt them. You have to shoot
from a very great distance.
The forest of the wayna-dega abounds in four
species: zinjero -- large baboons -- live in the higher places,
on rocky mountains. They attain the size of a large dog. They
have an oblong, dog-like face, a long tail that stands up when
they travel by land, and bristling, long, rigid, dark brown
hair.
They are very watchful and it is quite
difficult to shoot them. The gureza is ape-like. They live in
less elevated places. There are lots of them in the forests of
the western regions. Their hair is very beautiful -- black, long
and silky. On the middle of the spine, on the stomach and on the
tail they have long white hairs. Their face is very ugly and
flattened out.
They bear some resemblance to human beings.
Their teeth are almost black. The Gallas and Abyssinians hold
them in high esteem. They don't disturb them and can't bring
themselves to touch a dead gureza because of fear of bad luck.
They consider that these animals have human characteristics.
Abyssinians confirm that gurezas fast on Wednesdays and Fridays
and that they never disturb the crops, exclusively feeding on
the leaves of trees. Gurezas rarely come down on the ground,
almost always staying in the trees.
Small monkeys known as tota live in the
forests of wayna-dega. They have light-gray hair and on the face
white whiskers. They always settle near farmsteads and are the
scourge of farmers, since they destroy crops. They seem to have
great love for one another. Relatives almost always carry away a
wounded or killed tota, as the Abyssinians assert. I never saw
this happen, but, having wounded a little tota, I at the same
place killed a large female and male, who openly came out to
save it, in spite of the fact of our presence. They are said to
be revengeful and malicious. Abyssinians affirm that captured
and domesticated totas will set fire to houses in revenge for
some offense.
A very rare species, which I succeeded in
seeing, the so-called small monkey chana only appears in
Ilu-Babur. It is about the same size as the tota, but its hair
is very beautiful: an ashen color with some gray.
All species of predatory animals known in
Central Africa live in the wayna-dega: lion, panther, leopard,
the spotted hyena, the jackal, and the wild cat. There is a
special species of predatory animal which no European has yet
seen, but which Abyssinians and Gallas affirm exists. They say
these animals, which they call vobo or asambo, are the most
terrible. The animal known as tryn, which gives a musk called
zebad, also belongs to the species of predatory animals. This
animal is similar to a cat: its hair is multi-colored, its tail
is comparatively short, and it is the size of a small dog. They
catch them in traps, then lock them in cages and keep them at
the hearth in their homes, feeding them meat. They are found in
the lower moist regions of the wayna-dega. Of the remaining
animals in the wayna-dega there are wild boars and hares.
Predatory animals abound on the plateaux of Tikur and in the
mountains of Chalea and Chobo. In the west, in general, there
are fewer, with the exception of panthers, which are only found
in the west.(58)
The kola, which is uninhabited by humans,
abounds in animals even more than the wayna-dega region.
Predatory animals, such as the lion, go down there for hunting.
The characteristic inhabitant of the kola is the elephant.
Unfortunately, from year to year, they decline in numbers
because of systematic destruction. The Abyssinian elephant is
smaller than the Indian and more malicious than it. It possesses
large tusks, which sometimes attain six poods [216 lbs.] each.
Elephants usually travel as whole herds, but those which have
the largest tusks go separately and are very cunning,
quick-witted and malicious. A hunt for such solitary elephants
always costs many casualties.
Handek above all abounds in elephants, since
this area gives elephants every comfort: forest, plenty of
shade, many fruit trees whose leaves they eat, an abundance of
beautiful water, and an entire uninhabited country measuring
several hundred square versts [verst = 2/3 mile]. Aside from
elephants, in the kola are found rhinoceroses, hippopotamuses,
buffalo, and a species of antelope called sala with straight and
very long horns. This antelope is about the size of a calf, with
light brown hair.
There are many birds both in the kola and in
the dega regions.
You come across the most diverse species,
from the smallest to the largest. There are very beautiful
little birds with yellow and black feathers. There is a little
bird with a very long tail which sometimes does not fly
straight, but rather describes a parabola in the air. In the
forests of wayna-dega there are many song birds. Of large birds,
in the wayna-dega you come across the workum -- a non-predatory
bird which attains the size of a large turkey. It has a long,
very strong beak, with a horny crest at the base and red crop
under the beak. There are several different varieties of dove.
There are particularly many of them in the kola. Their trilling
is characteristic of these steppes.
Many partridges and guinea fowls are found
here, and on the plateaux you come across bustards. The lakes
and rivers abound in various species of duck and geese. In the
swamps, there are many snipe and woodcock, and you chance upon
ibises and herons.
There are especially many predatory birds.
There are enormous eagles. There are species of crows -- black
and of the same size as ours, but with long beaks bent downward.
There are white predatory birds which destroy locusts. In the
kola there is also a particularly small bird which is a friend
of the hippopotamus and never leaves it.
In the large rivers there are many fish.
All the land from Addis Ababa westward up to
the Baro River and from Abbay on the south up to the Kaffa
mountains is settled by Galla (Oromo). Beyond the Baro River to
the west live Negroes. The Kaffa highlands are populated by
Sidamo, and the region to the north of the Abbay is settled by
Abyssinians (Amhara).59
Although the whole area under consideration,
as we saw above, is very favorable for settlement, with the
exception of the lower kola, the distribution of population in
these regions is unequal and depends on political principles
(the better the leader of a province, the larger the population)
and on whether more or fewer people were destroyed during the
recent conquest of the territory.
I tried to determine the size of the
population, based on the number of aba-koro (chiefs of tribes)
and the number of aba-langas (assistants) found under their
leadership. I also used for this determination official data
regarding fortifications. These observations made it possible
for me to determine the number of Galla in the territory 200
versts [132 miles] wide and 400 versts [264 miles] long,
stretching from Addis Ababa to the west -- over an area of
80,000 square versts [35,556 square miles] -- to be 1,200,000 to
1,500,000 people.
The distribution of population in this zone
is as follows: the densest population center is between the
rivers Didessa and Gibye -- approximately 8,000 square versts
[3,556 square miles] with 160,000 inhabitants; the least
populated are the extreme south-western provinces, west of the
Didessa and south of the Gaba, which have no more than 10 people
per square verst -- in total 115,000 inhabitants in an area of
11,500 square versts [5,111 square miles]. The density of
population of the remaining areas is approximately 15 people per
square verst, which for 60,000 square versts amounts to 900,000
to 1,000,000 inhabitants.
This calculation is, of course, very rough,
but it is justified by many facts, which I observed: 1) the
density of Galla settlements, 2) the quantity of cultivated
land, 3) the number of chiefs (aba-koro) in each region and the
number of their assistants (aba-langa), 4) information regarding
fortifications, staffed with soldiers and leaders, and which
have their very own separate leaders, 5) the number of troops
stationed in the given area (in all, there are from 30,000 to
40,000 men stationed in this zone, which is also in keeping with
the proposed number for the population).
The just enumerated population of this zone
belongs to two Galla tribes: east of the Awash River is the
Tuluma tribe, and west of it is the Mocha tribe. The Mocha is
divided into five main clans. The Liban clan inhabits the
regions south of the Awash -- Sodo, Chobo, Dandi, and also
Mecha. The Afrenjo clan inhabits the valley between Mecha and
Chobo and likewise the mountains of Toke and Nonno. The Javi --
the most numerous clan -- lives in Lima, Jimma, Chalea, Tibye,
Siba, Wollaga, and Ilu-Babur. The Homo clan inhabits Leka, and
the Tuma the left bank of the Didessa.
But besides this division of the whole tribe
into five main clans, each of these main clans is also divided
into a number of small clans, which occupy some region,
separated from others by natural boundaries and forming an
independent state. The Galla gave their land names which came
from either the name of a clan leader or from some important
geographical name of their country, such as a high mountain or a
river in their territory. This name is sometimes characteristic
of the place. For instance Guratcha is "black," which means
wooded. These names serve as almost the only names to guide a
traveler, since there are no villages, and towns are extremely
rare. In each region there is a marketplace, but it does not
have a special name and is not found near settlements, but
simply among the more heavily populated areas at the
intersection of roads.
The main regions are the following: Meta,
Bocho and Ejirsalafu, all three of which are the personal
property of the Emperor. They are governed by Azzaj Gyzau. There
are no towns nor significant marketplaces there. The countryside
is level, steppe-like, and without trees.
Mecha is a plateau, populated by the Liban
clan. It is ruled by Dajazmatch Ubye. Chobo, Dandi, and Tikur
are plateaux populated by the Liban clan. They are governed by
Dajazmatch Haile Maryam. His residence is in the town of Chobo.
Toke, Dano, Bake and Nonno are inhabited by the Afrenjo tribe.
This area is mountainous with forests. Dajazmatch Ubye rules it.
These regions supply the capital with bamboo
for building and with gesho leaves for the production of honey.
Chalea, Chalea-Wobo, Gobu, Tibye, and Sibu
are populated by the Javi tribe. The area is mountainous, and
covered with forest in places. They are governed by Likamakos
Abata. The town of Bareilu -- a large, permanent military camp
-- has about 2,000 residents. It also has some commercial
significance, lying on a major caravan route from Wollaga to
Shoa.
The mountains of Budera-Lima are inhabited by
the Javi tribe, and are ruled by the Gojjam Negus Tekla
Haymanot.
On the little river Bilo, a tributary of the
Gibye River, the Bilo commercial center with 3,000 inhabitants
is found. It is settled exclusively by merchants and is ruled by
Nagada-Ras Ingeda Gobaz.
Bilo is located at the intersection of
several major roads: from Shoa to Wollaga, from Shoa to
Ilu-Babur, from Jimma to Gojjam and from Ilu-Babur to Gojjam.
At the center of the town is a large square
and marketplace. On Mondays and Fridays large markets are held.
There are no streets in the town. The buildings are of
brushwood, covered with thatch. Homestead are surrounded with
high fences and follow one another without interruption.
Botor, Enareya-Lima, Jimma-Aba-Jefar are
mountainous regions, populated by Galla of the Javi clan. Jimma
-- an independent Galla kingdom -- is under the chief
supervision of Ras Wolda Giyorgis. Botor and Lima are governed
directly by him. Judging by the accounts of eye-witnesses, Jimma
is very densely populated and very industrial. The best iron
items and cloth are fashioned there. Merchants from Jimma
conduct trade with the southern regions and with Kaffa. Their
caravans pass from Berber through Kofir. All the residents of
Jimma, as well as King Aba Jefar, are Mohammedan.
Leka, Degay, Gurangur, Bayo, Bunaya, Dabo,
Guma, Goma, and Gera are inhabited by the Homo or Gomo tribe.
Leka is very densely populated. Part of it represents an
independent state under the rule of Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer,
a christened Galla, It is also under the main supervision of
Dajazmatch Demissew, who rules all the chasvanymi regions. In
Leka the main town is Lekamte with 8,000 inhabitants. It is
located at the intersection of important trade routes from Shoa
to Wollaga and from Kaffa and Ilu-Babur to Gojjam. Here is found
the residence of Gebra Egziabeer. For the most part, the
inhabitants are merchants. Every Saturday a large market is
held. Leka is the main marketplace for buying gold, musk, and
ivory. Twenty versts [14 miles] from it is another town --
Gatama, which like Bilo is populated exclusively with merchants
and is independently governed by a nagada-ras. There are about
2,000 inhabitants there. Each Monday a large market is held. The
residence of Dajazmatch Demissew is in Leka in the town of
Deseta, which was recently build. It used to be in the nearby
town of Roga. Both the one and the other are located on the
heights of the mountain ridge that stretches along the right
bank of the Didessa. This mountain ridge is partly covered with
forest. In Deseta, there are about 4,000 inhabitants, mainly
soldiers of the Dajazmatch, with their wives and children. Roga
has about 1,500 inhabitants.
Dabo, Guma, Goma and Gera are likewise
densely populated.
Dabo, Guma, and Goma are mountainous, and
partly covered with forest. But Gera, which is lower, is located
on the lower course of rivers which flow from Kaffa to the Omo.
Guma and Gera produce lots of wild coffee. In
Gera, in addition, many elephants are killed, a little fewer
than in Handek of Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer. In both regions
they get up to 150 pairs of tusks a year. Through Guma and Goma
a large road runs to Kaffa.
The towns of Deseta and Gori each consist of
a group of homes of military leaders dispersed here and there,
around which huddle little shacks or, rather, huts of their
soldiers. All the buildings are of wood, covered with thatch.
Abeko, Wollaga and Darima are also governed
by Dajazmatch Demissew. Wollaga and Abeko are populated by the
Javi clan.
This mountainous region is, in places,
overgrown with forest. A large part of Wollaga is an independent
state, governed by Dajazmatch Joti, who pays tribute to the
emperor and is under the supervision of Dajazmatch Demissew. His
region is very rich and quite densely populated. Gold and ivory
are obtained there.
Through Wollaga a trade route passes to
Khartoum, to the dervishes, and Joti has dealings with them. He
is married to a daughter of one Arab ruler of a bordering
province.
Darima is a very mountainous area, populated
by the Tuma clan. Darima is rich in forest and produces lots of
honey. Near it is found the large independent commercial town of
Gunji and large markets, surrounded by the homesteads of the
merchants of Sodo and Supe. Gunji is ruled by a nagada-ras on
the same basis as Bilo and Gatama. In it are found up to 2,000
inhabitants, mainly merchant families. On Tuesdays a large
market is held. From the outside, this town does not differ from
Bilo. Sodo and Supe are just marketplaces with the homesteads of
merchants spread out nearby. All these points are located on the
large trade route from Ilu-Babur and Mocha, which abound in
coffee, to Wollaga and Gojjam, where coffee is resold.
Buna and Chiro are populated by the Tuma
tribe and are a wooded mountainous area. These regions are
relatively sparsely populated. In the lower areas, a lot of
cotton is produced. A lot of honey is also obtained. These
regions are ruled by Dajazmatch Demissew. Gosho, Embo, Ayo and
Orumu are populated by the Tuma tribe. Ilu-Babur, Make,
Abiyu-Bure, Alga and Dida are populated by the Javi tribe. The
population is very sparse.
Dajazmatch Tesemma rules these regions. The
country is wooded, mountainous and abounds in coffee. In the
region of Abiyu-Bure lies the significant trading center of
Bure. This is a marketplace with the homesteads of merchants
spread around it.
Bure is on outskirts of Galla settlements and
on the border with the Negro tribes Gambi and Bako, which bring
there ivory, cloth, ornaments and iron items to exchange. To
Bure also come the sellers of coffee from Wollaga and Leka. The
town of Gori in Ale is the residence of Dajazmatch Tesemma. This
town is a large permanent military camp, with up to 4,000
inhabitants. In the domain of Dajazmatch Tesemma there are
several gates built at fords across rivers that are not passable
at other places. There are two of them on the Gaba River. In
addition, there is one gate on the banks of the Didessa and one
at a ford across the Baro. At these gates they collect taxes
from merchants -- a known percent of the goods transported. In
addition, the garrisons at these gates are responsible for
arresting deserters.
Each such gate consists of a high watch post
surrounded by a fence, and has about ten soldiers with guns.
On the far side of the Baro, in the border
region of Sale, there is a small fort that looks like an
observation post. It is surrounded by a deep ditch, across which
is built a small bridge with a permanent guard. The garrison
consists of 500 men, armed with guns. They live in the fort on a
permanent basis.
Beyond Sale to the west begin the Negro
settlements of the Gambi, Bako, and Masanko tribes, and to the
south the Sidamo tribes: Mocha and Kaffa; and beyond those again
the Negro tribes of Gimiro, Shiro and others.
According to wealth, industry and abundance
of means of development, the population is distributed in the
following manner:
The richest and most industrial settlements
are Leka, Jimma and Wollaga. The inhabitants of these regions
are involved in agriculture, commerce, and crafts. They extract
gold and grow cotton. They have many live-stock, particularly
cattle. There are only a small number of horses, mules, and
donkeys, which among them are very expensive. As a consequence
of this, the means for development of these regions is
insignificant.
The inhabitants of the steppes of the Tikur,
Chobo, Chalea, Tibye and Mecha plateaux are less rich. They are
primarily involved in raising live-stock and produce excellent
horses, mules and donkeys in large quantities. The means for
development of this region are enormous.
Even poorer are the inhabitants of the wooded
and unusually fertile regions found to the west of the Didessa.
They harvest coffee and also do farming. But all the cultivation
is done by hand since the live-stock died partly from the
conquest of the area and partly from the plague which followed
it. There are almost no horses, mules or donkeys, and the means
for development of the country are nonexistent.
The population of southwestern Ethiopia
consists of the following main groups: Galla, Sidamo, and
Amhara(60); and on the western and southern borders -- Negroes.
The Galla dwell to the west of Entotto up to
the River Baro.
There are two tribes of them: Tuluma and
Mocha. The latter extends from the Awash River to the Baro River
in the west and from Abbay to Kaffa in the south. They belong to
the Galla -- Oromo.
The inhabitants of Kaffa, Mocha, Gurage,
Kulo, Kusho, Sidamo, and Amaro are called "Sidamo." Some authors
suggest that these were the first inhabitants of the Ethiopian
plateau.
Amhara, or, as we have become accustomed to
called them, "Abyssinians," constitute the latest, military, and
official population of these regions and are scattered among
them rather uniformly.
The origin of these people has still not been
accurately established; and, with regard to this question, there
are only hypotheses, often contradictory.
Some authors call all three groups
"Cushitic." Others, considering the first two Cushitic, count
the Abyssinians as of Semitic race. But to call Galla and Sidamo
descendants of Cush, the son of Ham, doesn't mean anything at
all. Why between the ones and the others is there such a huge
difference with regard to culture and customs and language?
Where did the ones and the others come from? I am too little
acquainted with this question to take upon myself its
resolution. But bringing my personal observations together with
works I have read about this question, I believe the most
probable explanation of the existing ethnographic grouping is as
follows. Galla, Somali, Adali (the latter two are steppe nomadic
tribes who occupy the coast of the Red Sea from the Ethiopian
plateau) are all Cushites and occupied these places, it must be,
in the time when the descendants of Mezraim occupied Egypt. They
arrived here, probably, by a dry route with their herds, and to
the present have remained semi-savage.
In the reverse movement of Cushites from
Africa to the Arabian peninsula, (which was mentioned by
Lepsius), they encountered Semites, who, so to say, cut them in
half. The Finikiyane were driven toward the Mediterranean Sea,
and the other part toward the Arabian Sea. This forced the
migration of the latter to Africa across the Bab-el-Mandeb Gulf.
These immigrants occupied the Ethiopian plateau. They must have
been culturally higher than the Galla and drove the Galla to the
south. Aren't these the ancestors of those peoples we call
Sidamo, Agau, Bylen, the original inhabitants of the country?
And don't the inhabitants of Harar likewise belong to them? Much
data inclines me to accept this hypothesis. Firstly, the type of
the Harar and the Sidamo; secondly, the similarity of sounds in
the languages of these groups; and thirdly, the level of
culture.
From the fifteenth century B.C., a vast
movement of Semites into Africa began. Between Ethiopia and the
Arabian peninsula there were very active trade dealings. They
spread out on the plateau, but unevenly. In all probability,
their port of entry, so to speak, the point for settlement of
the plateau was Massawa.
Therefore, we see the greatest concentration
of Semites in Northern Ethiopia: Felasha, Abyssinian Jews in the
mountains of Semien, and Tigreans in Tigre. Southern Ethiopia
was under the least influence of Semitism. From the Arabian
peninsula, they brought with them the language that belongs to
the Hamitic root -- this is the present-day Geez language
(literary). The Semites, having mixed with the inhabitants of
the country, changed their language and pronunciation and hence
came about the present-day Amhara, or Abyssinian, or Amharic
language. "Amhara" is the name that the Abyssinians give
themselves. The name "Abyssinian," accepted now in Europe, came
about thus: Arabs call them "Habesh," which means "mixture"
(confirmation of what we surmised that the Abyssinians are a
mixed race). The Portuguese changed the word "Habesh" to
"Habeks," and German scholars from "Habeks" made "Abessinen."
Although the Amharic language differs in
grammar from the Geez (literary), many of its roots are borrowed
from the Geez; so that the Amhara language is really Geez
changed by mixing with other languages. The pronunciation of it
likewise differs from the Geez. The Amharic language has no
gutturals, which are characteristic sounds for Semitic
languages, whereas Geez does have them.(61)
Let's now consider these nationalities in
more detail. Galla -- Oromo The first mention of the Galla in
The Abyssinian History of the Kings ("Tarika Negest") is
attributed to 1480 A.D. During the reign of Iskander, the Galla
made their first invasion into Abyssinian land and destroyed the
monastery of Atones Maryam. In 1539 appears Gran.(62) He is a
native of the Harar region, which at that time already belonged
to Galla who had adopted Mohammedanism. On the one hand, using
the Galla's desire to occupy Abyssinian lands and on the other
hand raising the banner of the prophet among the Moslem
population of the coastal zone and declaring holy war, Gran
invaded Abyssinia, burning and destroying monasteries and
churches. At first, the Galla attacked Shoa and the provinces of
Menjar and Ankober. But then, while the Arussi Galla
independently waged war against the tribes of South Ethiopia,
gradually ejecting them and occupying their places, Gran,
inspired by the idea of Islam, made his way to North and Central
Abyssinia, to the cultural and religious center of the empire,
and destroyed Aksum. In 1545, Gran was killed in Damby, at Lake
Tana. With his death, the Galla invasion lost its significance
as a religious war. The Galla-Mohammedans who came with him
occupied the best land in the province of Wollo. In the south,
too, and in the west, Arussi Galla continued to gradually oust
the indigenous inhabitants of these lands -- Amhara and Sidamo:
the first to the north beyond Abbay, the second to the south to
the mountains of Kaffa.
This gradual conquest continued until very
recent times. The Galla of Leka, for instance, consider that
they occupied this country only 180 years ago. Thus, in
Abyssinia we meet Gallas of two kinds. Some, Mohammedans, came
from the east, from Chercher -- they are Wollo Galla. Others,
pagans, came from the southeast, from Arussi -- these are the
Tuluma and Mocha tribes.
The first occupy the territory between the
Kassam and Awash Rivers; the second are found to the south of
the Abbay River and to the west of the upper Awash. Each of
these tribes is divided into small clans. Tuluma is divided into
seven clans, and Mocha into five (Liban, Afrenjo, Homo, Tume,
Javi). Each of these small clans occupies a separate region,
separated from the others by accurately established boundaries.
But they all recognize that they belong to the Galla nation.
They all call themselves "Oromo." Almost all of them have the
same customs, language, type, and character, despite the
difference of faith which exists between Galla pagans and Galla
Mohammedans.
The Galla physical type is very beautiful.
The men are usually very tall, with statuesque physique, lean,
with oblong face and a somewhat flattened skull. The features of
the face are regular and beautiful. The nose though sometimes
fleshy is not a snub-nose. The mouth is moderate. The lips are
not thick.
They have excellent even teeth; large and in
some cases oblong eyes; and curly hair. Their arm bones are of
moderate length, shorter than the bones of Europeans, but longer
than among the Amhara tribes. The feet are moderate and not
turned in. The women are shorter than the men, and very
beautifully built. In general, they are stouter than the men,
and not as lean as they.
Among them one sometimes encounters very
beautiful women. And their beauty does not fade as quickly as
among the Abyssinians.
The skin color of both men and women ranges
from dark to light brown. I did not see any completely black
Galla.
The separate clans of the Mocha tribe differ
somewhat. The far western clans are more thick-set and taller
than the eastern and northern. Among them there is a more
uniform and consistent type. This, I think, must be explained by
the greater purity of their clan, since, being farther from the
Abyssinians, they could not mix with them.
The various tribes also do not dress all the
same way, depending on the location of the settlement. Tribes
which are closest to the Abyssinians wear the shamma(63), but
they do not drape it as beautifully as the Abyssinians, tossing
most of both ends on one shoulder and leaving the right arm and
half the chest bare. In the southwestern regions, where cotton
is scarce, instead of a shamma they wear lamb or goat skin. You
only see trousers on rich Galla or those who live in border
areas. They usually tie some kind of leather apron around their
hips . Often you can see on their heads a pointed cap made of
goat skin . (A piece of skin from a recently slaughtered goat is
stretched on a sharp metal casting. When it dries, the ends are
cut off and the hat is ready.) Women's clothing also changes
depending on how close they are to the Abyssinians. In the
border regions, they wear the long women's shirts of the
Abyssinians. In places more distant from the border, they tie
around their body a piece of material or treated ox hide, sewn
with shells and beads, such that it looks something like a White
Russian plakhta. Some women make themselves a kind of sarafan
out of leather.
The men wear their hair shaved close to the
skin or standing in a shock. The Galla who border on the
Abyssinians adopted from them their manner of braiding hair in
small plaits, lying close to the head and connected together at
the back of the head. This is a sign of bravery. The right to
wear such a hairstyle belongs to: he who has killed a man -- for
one year; a lion -- for two years; and an elephant -- 40 years.
Women usually wear their hair separated into small matted locks,
each braided into a small plait and dangling in this manner on
all sides. Some spread an abundance of butter on their hair;
others, who in particular are encountered in Wollaga, spread on
their hair a yellow clay taken from water and renew this layer
of clay each two to three weeks.
Then, from a distance, they appear to be
blond, and the color of their face takes on a special shade
which can be compared with the color of cinnamon. In Leka, after
treating hair this way, they gather it in a bun in the middle of
the head. The ends of the braids stick out then above the head
in all directions in the form of a hat. In general, such a hair
style resembles sheaf of grain, planted down the head. Sometimes
they arrange even more original hair styles, inserting long
wooden needles in the hair.
Galla love all kinds of decoration: bracelets
and rings are in wide use among them. These are made out of
copper, lead, ivory and iron. They even wear rings on their
toes. They put bracelets in bunches on their arms, on the arm
above the elbow and on their feet. You sometimes come across
such large and heavy bracelets that your are amazed at how they
can work with them.
Children up to the age of ten to eleven do
not wear any clothes. Usually their head is shaved and only in
the middle to they leave a shock of hair. Mothers carry infants
usually either from the side at the waist, or from behind. The
mother ties the baby to her skirt and works with the baby on
her.
The family life of the Gallas is just as
simple as all the rest of their life. They do not build
villages. Each family settles separately. Among them, polygamy
is widespread. Each wife lies in a separate house since a
separate household is established for each wife. The
construction of their houses differs from that of the
Abyssinians in that the roof rests not on a single post but on
many. Inside, houses are divided into three parts by partitions.
The first section from the entrance is intended as an enclosure
for cattle at night, since houses are not protected by fences.
In the middle part, the hearth burns and food is cooked. The
part farthest from the entrance is covered with mats and serves
as the bedroom. Strangers are not allowed there. The food of the
Galla consists of cooked cabbage, or cooked roots of ensete and
guder, cooked seeds of mashella, peas or shumbur, and lentils.
They make of this something similar to our porridge [kasha],
which they call gunfo and which they eat with spoons made of
horn. They almost never use butter in their food, but rather use
it exclusively for garnishing of hair. Instead of bread they
make unleavened flat cakes -- kita. They also make a kind of
bread. The leavened dough is spread out on an earthenware pan
and from the top in the middle of a round loaf another smaller
pan is squeezed. Fire is lighted under the large pan and on top
of the small one. A somewhat heavy, but tasty bread results.
They prefer to eat meat raw. They eat their food without
flavoring, not adding either salt or pepper.
They love milk and meat. As for beverages,
the most widespread is a beer, which they make from barley with
the addition of finely minced leaves of the gesho plant, which
substitutes for hops. Galla beer is thicker than Abyssinian.
They don't know how to make mead, but they drink honey, diluted
with water. They do not wash their hands before dinner, as the
Abyssinians do. The wife first feeds her husband, and then eats
with the children.
They buy themselves wives, paying the parents
of the girl an amount that depends on the beauty of the bride
and the wealth of the groom, up to 50 cows. In addition, they
give the bride jewelry in the form of bracelets, rings or
shells. On the day of the wedding, a feast is held at the house
of the parents of the bride. After the feast, they take the
bride to the house of the groom, where the feast continues, but
without the parents of the bride. After the wedding, the husband
cannot show himself to his father-in-law or mother-in-law until
a child is born. In case of an accidental meeting, he must hide
in the bushes. The number of wives is not limited and depends on
one's prosperity. Each wife usually lives separately. The
husband roams from one cabin to another. They sleep separately;
to sleep together is considered indecent. Marriage takes place
late: for men not earlier than 18 years, and for women not
earlier than 16. When parents consider that their daughter has
reached maturity, they perform an operation on her (removing the
clitoris) and then give her in marriage. (I ascertained that
this operation is performed by Galla of Wollaga, Leka, and
Ilu-Babur). Once married, the wife becomes the slave of her
husband, and there is no divorce under any circumstances.
Conjugal infidelity is very rare. It is not considered
infidelity if the younger brother of the husband has relations
with the wife. In case of discovery of adultery, the husband can
kill his wife on the spot; but for the most part, he exacts a
fine from the culprit.
The birth of a child is not at all celebrated
in the family, and no operation is performed on the new born.
The mother gives him a name; but in the plateaux, the head of a
family is always known by the name of his horse, for instance
Aba Morke, Aba Jefar (the name of the king of Jimma).
Death is mourned by the whole family and all
the neighbors of the deceased. They bury the dead in a deep
grave, men to the right of the entrance to the house, and women
to the left. First they lay brushwood on the body, and then pour
earth. In eastern regions, they pile on a high stack of stones,
and on top they lay reed stalks, coffee seeds, barley, and
mashella. By the quantity and type of what is spread on it, one
can determine the fortune of the person who is buried. In the
city of Gunji, for instance, I saw an enormous grave with cruets
spread out on stakes driven into the ground. In western regions
they do not make such large graves, but in contrast to the
eastern ones, they surround their graves with fences. They bury
the deceased beside the house where he lived; and for twenty
years after and sometimes for her whole life, the wife guards
the grave of her husband. After twenty days, the wife can pass
on to the brother of the deceased.
During the twenty days after the death,
several times relatives and neighbors of the deceased gather
and, sitting in a circle, weep and remember his brave deeds. In
addition, they have one very original custom. While living, a
Galla rarely boasts of his deeds, and it is considered improper
if he himself begins to talk about how many enemies he killed
(completely the opposite of Abyssinian behavior). After death,
his brother or friend has the responsibility to recount where,
when and in what circumstances the deceased distinguished
himself. On the death of the father, all the property passes to
the eldest son, to whom also passes the leadership of the tribe,
if the father was its chief.
In the family, the authority of its head is
recognized, but only to a certain degree. The Galla family is
not comparable to our Northern Russian family, but rather is
closer to the White Russian. The son, as soon as he marries,
separates himself from his parents; and although he respects his
father and older brother, he is, in actuality, quite
independent.
Galla Culture. For the most part, the
Galla are a settled (rather than nomadic) people. But here one
can distinguish three shades of their culture. There are settled
Gallas who are almost exclusively satisfied with the products of
their raising of livestock, who almost never work the land, and
for vegetable food make use of the roots of banana ensete [or
kogo]. But at the present time, losses of cattle and recent wars
have almost deprived them of livestock. Others occupy themselves
almost exclusively with tilling the soil and bee-keeping. A
third category occupies itself now with the one and now with the
other equally and also with domestic crafts. The entire center
and the Javi and Gomo tribes belong to this last category. The
inhabitants of the extreme western provinces are exclusively
tillers of the soil.
The inhabitants of the plateaux and the
eastern provinces are primarily breeders of livestock. These
three shades correspond to the three transitional stages from a
nomadic to a completely settled state. Related to this is the
development of the idea of the right of land property separately
from the right of ownership. In the first case, all the land and
water is the general property of the tribe. In the second case,
the individual has a right to land which he actively possesses.
In the third case, we see an exact differentiation of lots of
land, purchase, sale and obligation.
Where I was, I did not see nomadic Gallas,
but they are still found in Arussi. In Ilu-Babur, in Sale and in
Alga up until the conquest of those last provinces by the
Abyssinians, inhabitants there were in a semi-nomadic state.
Now, having lost their cattle, they have been forced to turn to
tilling of the soil.
Since there is a lot of free land in these
regions and it is all equally fertile and abundant in water, the
inhabitants rarely stay long at the same place, but each three
to four years select for themselves another; all the more so
because they often build new huts, which termites usually
destroy very fast.
Although those Gallas who till the soil dig
in the ground less than Egyptian fellahs, they love their land
and cultivate it comparatively well enough. A Galla farmstead
makes a remarkably fine impression. Usually there is a small
round hut for those who do not have livestock and a large one,
surrounded by high banana trees (musa ensete) for those who do
have cattle. The huge leaves of these trees completely hide the
low pointed straw roof of the house. Several trees, from the
nuts of which oil is squeezed, are planted at the entrance to
the house and among them are woven root-crop plants which they
call guder. Around the house there is a silky crop of tef (a
kind of very small millet), a huge mashella (a Turkish millet),
corn, a high cabbage which attains two arshins [56 inches] in
height and does not have cabbage-heads, peas, and another plant
like peas but not twisting, that is called shumbur, crops of
tobacco, beans, lentils and pumpkins. On the plateaux there is
wheat and barley.
From what has been enumerated, it is clear
that there is quite a wealth of various kinds of crops that,
with small changes, depending on the elevation of the place, you
find almost everywhere.
The techniques for cultivation are the same
in the various regions. There are two kinds: by oxen and by
hand. They were forced to resort to cultivating by hand after
the loss of livestock in Bune, Ale, and Ilu-Babur. The tool used
for this is a small shovel or axe, sitting perpendicularly on a
handle about 3/4 arshin [21 inches] long. They do not dig the
earth with it, but rather chop. In those places where they
cultivate with oxen, they use a tool which is like a wooden
plough. A pole with an iron tip serves as a ploughshare. Into
the ground that is ploughed or dug this way, they toss seed, and
that's the end of all the effort of sowing. The fertile soil
takes care of any defect in the cultivation. In Ilu-Babur I saw
an even simpler technique. There the countryside is wooded, the
climate is humid, the soil is soft, black earth, and the entire
effort of cultivation is limited to just cutting out a clearing
in the forest, and sowing right on top of the wood that was
felled, not even taking away the felled trees. I saw a field
which was sowed in this way with peas, and which produced an
excellent harvest.
They reap with sickles with a toothed blade,
and they bind in very small sheafs. In those places where
livestock remain, they thresh the grain by driving oxen in a
circle over ground which is covered with it. In the other
places, they thresh with a long flexible stick. The soil
throughout the whole extent is fertile to a high degree and,
depending on irrigation, produces from two to four harvests a
year.
The raising of livestock, which formerly was
the main form of farming, has now fallen greatly and in some
regions it is rare that you see a cow. But in the eastern
plateaux cattle are still kept and without them no family at all
would be thinkable there, since the countryside is completely
deforested and the absence of firewood is made up for with
pressed cow dung.
The Gallas love their livestock and look
after them, and at night they drive them into their homes. They
have a curious breed of horses. In all probability these horses
are descended from the Arabian breed, but their type is very
different from them. The head of the horses is larger. The cheek
is short, narrow and low placed. The chest is narrow and the
ribs are insufficiently long. Very often, the legs are wet. Key
factors of the hind quarters leave much to be desired. The
sacrum sags. (I enumerate their bad qualities in comparison with
Arabian horses.)
In spite of all these deficiencies, this is a
fast horse, with great endurance and a large heart. For their
small stature (rarely larger than two arshins [56 inches]), they
carry a comparatively heavy weight. Mares, mated with donkeys,
produce excellent mules. These mules are not as tall as European
ones but in endurance, strength, and speed of step they are
indispensable on journeys. The donkeys are very small and not as
hardy as the Egyptian ones. The hooves of horses, mules, and
donkeys are of striking strength and grow very quickly. Neither
the clearing nor the shoeing of hooves is known there, but
nevertheless they carry out journeys of a thousand versts [700
miles] and even longer, along mountainous roads.
Cattle, bulls and cows are of the same kind
as in Egypt, with humps. The cows produce very little milk: this
is a more meat kind of cattle. The sheep are without tails. They
have goats.
Of domestic birds, you only see chickens.
Bee-keeping is an important branch of farming but it is not
spread equally everywhere. Above all to the west of Didessa,
where, as you go past houses, you see all the large mimosa trees
surrounding them hung with beehives. In December and January,
the bees swarm, and at this time the Gallas spread out their
beehives. These hives are made either rolling up bark with wood
and wrapping it in straw, or hollowing out a crude casting from
the trunk of kolkual cactus trees. When the time comes to take
out the honey, this is done in two ways -- either smoking out
the bees with smoke of pressed cow dung, or cutting the rope
which holds up the beehive. The hive then falls from a height to
the ground, and the frightened bees fly away. Depending on the
vegetation there are three kinds of honey: very black and bitter
in the southwest in Ilu-Babur; quite white, aromatic and very
sweet in Handek; and an average between these two in the other
places.
Artisans such as blacksmiths and weavers are
found among the Galla. Blacksmiths forge knives and spears from
iron, which is mined in the country. The manufacture of steel is
unknown to them. Weavers weave rough shammas from local cotton.
The loom is set up very simply. The weaver sits in a hole and,
pressing his feet on the treadle, in turn raises and lowers the
the appropriate row of basic threads. With dexterous movement of
his arms, he passes the shuttle through, after which another
horizontal bar, hanging above the cloth, adds the thread that
has just passed through to those already woven. In addition to
this, there is also the production of earthenware from unbaked
clay. They make large gombas, somewhat like large pitchers
without handles, with a volume from half a vedro [ten and a half
pints] to four vedros [84 pints], earthenware pans for baking
bread and pots for cooking food. There are joiners who make
saddle-trees and wooden supports for the head, which serve in
place of pillows. You find the above mentioned handicrafts among
all the Galla, but in addition at the courts of the rulers there
are also goldsmiths, and in Leka and Jimma there are leather
craftsmen, who make excellent Morocco; harness makers who make
the most intricate riding gear; artisans who make shields;
weavers of straw hats (all Galla know how to weave parasols and
baskets); armorers who make steel sabers; weavers who weave
delicate shammas, etc. Commerce among the Gallas is in a
transitional state from barter to monetary.
The monetary units, the Abyssinian taler and
salt are accepted by the Gallas, but talers are found in the
country in relatively small quantities and are concentrated in
the hands of merchants.
Three-pound bars of Abyssinian salt, which go
for five to seven for the taler, are cut into four pieces by the
Galla. These piece go for from 16 to 20 for the taler. Galla
have great love for commerce and exchange. In each little area
there is at least one marketplace, where they gather once a
week, and there is hardly an area which is relatively larger and
populated which does not have marketplaces strewn throughout.
Usually the marketplace is a clearing near a big road in the
center of Galla settlements. In the middle is an elevated place
for the collector of taxes from those who have brought things
for sale, on which sits the head of the market, an Abyssinian.
Rarely does any Galla man or woman skip market day. They come,
even with empty arms or with a handful of barley or peas, with a
few coffee beans or little bundles of cotton, in order to chat,
to hear news, to visit with neighbors and to smoke a pipe in
their company. But besides this petty bargaining, the main
commerce of the country is in the hands of the Galla, and they
retain it despite the rivalry of the Abyssinians. Almost all the
merchants are Mohammedan. They export coffee, gold, musk, ivory,
and leather; and they import salt, paper materials, and small
manufactured articles. They are very enterprising and have
commercial relations with the Sudan, Kaffa, and the Negro
tribes.
But they rarely take their wares to the sea,
and prefer to sell them in Gojjam, Shoa or Aba Jefar's Jimma.
The customs, manners, religion and language
of the Galla correspond to their state of culture. Industrial
Jimma, the merchants and Galla who have distinguished themselves
by their position have accepted Mohammedanism, but the remaining
masses are still pagan. Their beliefs are not fixed, and are not
put together in any system. There is some indeterminate
expression of instinctive feeling of belief in a higher being,
but they have no definite concept of God. Believing that God --
Wak -- is in heaven, that he is great and omnipotent, they do
not try to explain him further to themselves and to represent
him more definitely. In this way, they have avoided idolatry, to
which inquisitive intellect inevitably led other nations. "Wak
is there in heaven," says the Galla, pointing upward and
lowering his eyes (in the Galla language the word "wak" also
means heaven).
The religious beliefs of the Galla are not
reduced to a logical system. All that is out of the ordinary
strikes the Galla. He loves nature, feels her, lives with her,
and, to him, it seems that she likewise is endowed with a soul.
River, mountain, large tree -- all these are living beings,
particularly interested in this or that side of human life.
First comes Borenticha -- the bearer of evil and of all
misfortune. Men worship him under the name of "Borenticha," and
women under the name "Borentiti."
Secondly, Adbar -- the bringer of the harvest
and rain.
Third, Oglye -- the spirit whom women worship
in order to have children.
Fourth, Atelye-hora, masculine, and
Atetye-dula, feminine -- also influences child-bearing,
fertility, and reproduction of cattle.
The Galla pray to all these beings and offer
sacrifices which vary with the importance of the occasion and
the supposed power of the deity -- from a bull to a little bunch
of grass or handful of pebbles. Usually each year on one of the
Tuesdays or one of the Saturdays of May, each family offers a
sacrifice to Borenticha. A ram is killed, beer is brewed, honey
is gathered, flat cakes are cooked, and to this feast come all
the relatives and neighbors. During the feast, some of
everything is thrown on the ground. For instance, some beer is
poured out saying "Here's for you, Borenticha. Here's to you,
Borentiti. Pass us by. Don't touch us."
Trying to explain to themselves why they
offer sacrifice once a year, namely in May, you hear two motives
which, apparently affect this. First, the time coincides with
the approach of the rains, and the well-being of the Gallas
depends on the quantity of rains. Borenticha, as the great evil
being, can hurt this.
Secondly, this time coincides with great
feasts in honor of the Mother of God in Abyssinia and with
"Bayram" among the Mohammedans. Seeing the ones and the others
celebrate at this time, they made a holiday for themselves, and
at the same time they sacrifice to Borenticha.
Aside from this annual sacrifice to
Borenticha, they pray when undertaking anything like a hunt or
war and also in case of illness. Prayer consists of song in
which the one who prays expresses by his words the essence of
what is asked. In time of illness, relatives of the sick man
sing in a toneless voice, and growl and leap, trying to chase
away the sickness.
They offer two sacrifices to Abedara, spirit
of the Earth: before sowing and after harvesting. Usually, women
cook some flat cakes made of tef, go into a thicket, throw the
cakes under a big tree and sing and dance there in honor of
Abedara.
Women often pray to and offer sacrifices to
Atetye, throwing bunches of grass under big trees.
Oglye in different places signifies something
different. In Leka, for instance, this god is identified with an
elephant. In other regions he is considered of feminine gender,
giving fertility. In any case, each time when a ram or a bull is
killed in the home, women smear their neck and chest down to the
stomach with fat and hang a piece of "white fat"(64) in the form
of a necklace around their neck. Men, too, having gathered blood
in a shield and having mixed it with ashes of grass, cover their
forehead and cheeks with this blood and hang "white fat" around
the neck, and on the arms wear bracelets of fat. The latter give
them good luck in war. The entire night after this, wild singing
and dancing continues.
Thus, we see gods entangled among themselves.
But this original polytheism is even more entangled when it gets
mixed with worship of Christian saints: the Mother of God, Saint
George the Victor, and Archangel Michael. This should not be
taken as an indication that they were formerly Christians.
Rather, simply being neighbors with Abyssinia
and seeing how the Abyssinians worship these saints, the Gallas
came to the conclusion that these are probably likewise great
beings whom they didn't know about before; and they began to
worship them too. They always call one of the olive trees near
the house "Maryam," and during the big Abyssinian feasts of the
Mother of God in January, they offer sacrifices: they pour a
handful of barley or wheat and pour some beer under the olive
tree and sing songs.
They also offer sacrifices to mountains and
large rivers. As already mentioned above, these sacrifices are
very diverse, beginning with a bull or a ram and ending with
only a bunch of grass. But there is still another unique kind of
charm at times of sacrifice that I came upon accidentally. In
Wollaga, in the middle of the road, I saw a clay figurine that
represented a four-legged animal with a horse's head, lying on a
pile of stones, sprinkled on the top with little bunches of
cotton. I ordered my servants to pick it up for me, but they
wouldn't, saying that you shouldn't do this, that this is an
enchanted object which would bring misfortune to anyone who
picks it up.
Then I myself picked it up. To my questions
about what this meant, they explained to me that probably this
figurine, which represented the devil, was thrown along the road
by a Galla out of malice to his enemy.
By the way, when in a great hurry, instead of
a ram, for instance, Gallas offer a clay image of it as a
sacrifice.
There is one more interesting rite. At the
exit of the path which leads from the house to the big road, you
almost always come upon a little bed of stones, and on it lies
dry grass. This is made so that Borenticha, having seen the
sacrifice, won't stop at the house, but will pass by.
The Gallas don't have their own weekly or
annual feasts, and they also don't have fasts. But living as
neighbors with Abyssinia, the Gallas adopted from the
Abyssinians some annual feasts: Holy Cross Day, which coincides
with the end of the rains and the onset of spring, called in
Abyssinian Maska and in Galla Maskalya; and Christmas, called
Guma by both Abyssinians and Galla.
The Galla have no public worship, no priests,
no altars, no idols. But in their midst there are soothsayers,
whom they call kalicha. Conditions necessary to become a kalicha
are not fixed: anyone who has a calling can make himself one.
But the degree of respect for a kalicha depends on the degree to
which his predictions and advice are good. Sometimes the name
kalicha is hereditary and passes from generation to generation
to the eldest in the generation. A kalicha who advises well and
speaks the truth is very respected by the people. They come to
him from afar to get advice and offer gifts.
When the country was subjugated, the first
thing the Abyssinians did was to capture and execute the
kalichas. Now there are almost none of them in the country, or
they hide secretly in thickets. In appearance, they differ from
others in the fact that they grow very long hair.
The Galla have many superstitions, for
instance belief in werewolves which they call buda. One glance
of a buda is enough to kill a man, especially at meal time.
From what has been said above, it can be seen
that the faith of the Gallas is not in any way fixed. But at the
same time, because it includes an understanding of God-Spirit,
and of the origin of evil -- Borenticha -- as well as a
precarious understanding of life beyond the grave, it cannot
present a serious hindrance to their conversion to Christianity.
Right now, in Shoa, and particularly in Leka,
Galla are baptized in large numbers. But unfortunately, this is
superficial, since the Abyssinian clergy have no missionaries
who would try to explain the essence of the Christian faith to
the Galla.
The language of the Galla people is melodious
and simple, and the words are easily pronounced because of the
abundance of vowels.
It has none of the guttural sounds of Semitic
languages, and I didn't notice any differences between abrupt
and drawling consonants, as, for instance, in the Amharic
letters "k" and "t".
The form of sentences is simpler and less
flowery than that of the Abyssinians. Clauses are short and
abrupt. And in conversation, the listener after each sentence of
the speaker answers "yes" with a drawling "e" sound, after which
the speaker continues.
In conversation with a person of higher
station, the Galla begins his speech with the word duguma, which
means "this is true." This must be because, in general, they
often lie.
For conjugation, they use pronouns and
auxiliary verbs for the future, present, and pluperfect tenses.
The perfect past, as in Amharic, is a basic verbal form.
They use participles and gerundives, but to
less a degree than the Abyssinians.
Unfortunately, I am not well enough
acquainted with this language to resolve its detailed and exact
nature.
I tried to find out if the Galla have any
epic folk tales, but only managed to collect a few proverbs and
stories. I didn't find any epic folk tales.
By the way, here's a little story that an old
Galla man told me as an amiable introduction to a gift: "A mouse
came to an elephant to ask for the hand of his daughter. The
elephant said, 'What! You, who are so little, want my daughter?'
'Never mind,' says the mouse. 'Give me your daughter.' The
elephant did so.
Some time later, elephant hunters came to
this place. The mouse having found out about this went by night
to the hunters' camp and gnawed through all the saddle girths
and horse gear and in this way saved the elephants."
The main character trait of the Galla is love
of complete independence and freedom. Having settled on any
piece of land, having built himself a hut, the Galla does not
want to acknowledge the authority of anyone, except his personal
will.
Their former governmental system was the
embodiment of this basic trait of their character -- a great
number of small independent states with figurehead kings or with
a republican form of government.(65)
Side by side with such independence, the
Galla has preserved a great respect for the head of the family,
for the elders of the tribe, and for customs, but only insofar
as it does not restrain him too much.
The Galla is a poet. He worships nature,
loves his mountains and rivers, considering them animated
beings. He is a passionate hunter.
The Galla are a warlike people. They are very
brave, and killing among them, as among other peoples, is
elevated to a cult. Very recently there were some Galla tribes
where a youth did not have the right to get married until he
killed an elephant, a lion, or a man. Having killed one of them,
a Galla greased his head with butter, worse bracelets, rings,
and an earring.
But comparing their bravery with the bravery
of other peoples, I should say that this is not the nervous
enthusiasm of the Abyssinian, not the selflessness of the
Russian, but a quicker bent for blood. This bent makes the Galla
dreadful to such a point that he doesn't notice danger.
The armaments of the Gallas consist of a
metal spear (which has a different shape among the various
clans), a knife in his belt, and a large shield. Whether or not
a Galla is a cavalryman depends on his place of residence. On
the plateaux of Chalea, Wobo, Tikur, Shoa, and Leka, which are
abundant in horses, all the Galla are cavalrymen. In the
mountains and forests of the west and southwest regions adjacent
to Kaffa, almost none are.
The ambush, the night attack, the single
combat -- those are the favorite tactics of the Galla.
Both on horse and on foot, the Galla fights
for his personal goal -- to kill and to get trophies. There is
no general concept of "patriotism." To run away is not
considered a disgrace. The Galla likewise have no concept of all
being related to one another by blood and kinship. In the recent
subjugations of the Galla by the Abyssinians, the most violent
fighters in the ranks of the Abyssinians were themselves Galla.
Galla make excellent cavalrymen. Their horses
are plain and small, but hardy and fast. In battle, they very
rarely get close to the enemy. Instead, having galloped at the
enemy in full career and having thrown a spear, they abruptly
turn around and gallop away. In general, the Galla are marvelous
military material, and particularly now, after that school of
obedience and discipline that they pass through under the power
of the Abyssinians.
The ambition and sense of honor of the Galla
do not go very far. The Galla passionately wants to kill
somebody or something in war or in a hunt to have the right to
grease his head with butter and to return home with songs. But
you can defeat a Galla without risk. In case of injustice, the
beaten man feels indignation, but never outrage.
The Galla is a beggar, sooner generous than
stingy, sooner good than bad. You can only believe him with
caution. Formerly, there was almost no thievery among the Galla,
but this was not due to principled honesty, but rather to the
absence of want -- all the more so because the distribution of
property was very equal. But now, theft has become very common.
As regards the difference between separate
clans of the Mocha, those who inhabit the plateau are more
warlike and blood-thirsty than those who live in the lowland. As
regards culture, the inhabitants of Wollaga, Leka, and Jimma
differ sharply from the others. These are mainly trading and
manufacturing regions.
The original form of government of the Galla
and the beginnings of their legal procedure and of criminal law
were entirely changed with the conquest of the area by the
Abyssinians.
Originally, they were separated into a mass
of separate clans, and each clan was a completely independent
unit. A large part of them, namely all the western clans, had a
monarchic form of government. But some southern clans had a
republican form of government.
The republics of Goma and Gera chose several
rulers, whom they drove away quickly whenever they had the
slightest cause for dissatisfaction. In all the other clans, the
eldest in the clan, descended by the eldest line from the
founder of the clan, was the head of state. But his rights were
completely fictitious.
He did not have the use of any revenues from
his subjects, because he did not have the right to collect
taxes. His revenues consisted of rare voluntary gifts, portions
of military plunder and revenues from his own properties,
cattle, and land. This was because, in the primogeniture system
of inheritance he, descended by the eldest line from the founder
of the clan, was the richest landowner in his tribe. In case of
war, he was at the head of his clan, but he could neither begin
nor end war, nor undertake anything at all independently without
having consulted with the elders. He presided in the lube, but
all the business was decided there without his knowledge.
The lube is a very unique institution. Each
head of a family in the state has the right each 40 years to
become a member of the lube for five years. If the head of a
family turns out to be a young boy, this does not prevent him
from taking part. This assembly of the leaders of the families
of the state performs all the functions of court and of state
government.
The court, whether civil or criminal court,
is conducted in the following manner. The plaintiff and the
respondent, or the accuser and the accused, each entrust their
business to one of the members of the lube. Those entrusted
explain the essence of the matter to the council, wrangle with
one another; then when the matter has been made sufficiently
clear, the lube decides on the verdict. For the duration of the
trial, neither the respondent nor the plaintiff have the right
to interfere. They are not asked about anything. There are two
criminal punishments -- fine and exile. And, in some western
regions there is still sale into slavery.
There is no capital punishment for ordinary
criminal acts.
Premeditated murder is punished the most
severely. The property of the killer is confiscated for the use
of the family of the victim, and he himself is expelled from the
borders of the country. But if after some time he arrives at an
agreement with the family of the victim on the extent of
compensation, then he can return again. Theft is punished by
large fines and, in some border regions, by sale into slavery.
Adultery is punished by fines, if the deceived husband did not
already deal with the insulter in some way.
Since the right of property in land in the
majority of regions up to now has been identified with actual
possession, law suits on this question could only arise in the
thickly populated regions of Leka, Wollaga, and Jimma, where
already there exist not only property in land but also
servitude.
Aside from the administration of justice, it
was likewise the duty of the lube to reconcile quarreling
clans.(66)
Such was the form of government of Galla
states up until their conquest by the Abyssinians. But from that
time the peaceful, free way of life, which could have become the
ideal for philosophers and writers of the eighteenth century, if
they had known of it, was completely changed. Their peaceful way
of life is broken; freedom is lost; and the independent,
freedom-loving Gallas find themselves under the severe authority
of the Abyssinian conquerors.
The Abyssinians pursue two goals in the
governing of the region: fiscal and political -- security of the
region and prevention of an uprising. All families are assessed
a tax.
This is very small, not more than a unit of
salt a year per family. In addition, families are attached to
the land. Part of the population is obliged to cultivate land
for the main ruler of the country, and part is divided among the
soldiers and military leaders. The whole region is divided among
separate military leaders who live off their district and feed
their soldiers.
The dreadful annihilation of more than half
the population during the conquest took away from the Galla all
possibility of thinking about any sort of uprising. And the
freedom-loving Galla who didn't recognize any authority other
than the speed of his horse, the strength of his hand, and the
accuracy of his spear, now goes through the hard school of
obedience.
The lube no longer exists. The Abyssinians
govern through clan leaders aba-koro and aba-langa (the
aba-koro's assistant).
The aba-koro is the head of the clan, who
gathers the Gallas for work, gathers coffee for the leader of
the region, levies taxes for them, and, when it is necessary,
collects durgo. The Abyssinian leaders only supervise the
correctness of the actions of the aba-koro. The court of the
first instance is the aba-koro, but important matters go
straight to the leader of the region who punishes in accord with
Abyssinian laws, and, in the case of political crimes, robbery,
attempted murder or murder of an Abyssinian, uses capital
punishment.
That's the way things are done in the
conquered regions. But aside from these there are three states
-- Jimma, Leka, Wollaga -- which voluntarily submitted to
Abyssinia and pay it tribute.
In those places, the former order has been
preserved, although the lube no longer exists. The Abyssinians
obtain taxes from them and do not interfere in their
self-government. Aside from payment of taxes, they also feed the
troops stationed there.
After all that has been said above, the
question automatically arises -- what are the relations of the
conquered to the conquerors? Without a doubt, the Galla, with
their at least five million population, occupying the best land,
all speaking one language, could represent a tremendous force if
they united. But the separatist character of the people did not
permit such a union. Now subjugated by the Abyssinians, who
possess a higher culture, they little by little adopt this
culture from the Abyssinians, and accept their faith. Since
there is no national idea, in all probability, they will with
time blend with the Abyssinians, all the more because the
Abyssinians skillfully and tactfully manage them, not violating
their customers and religious beliefs and treating them lawfully
and justly.
Only those states that pay tribute and
preserve their independence represent a danger. Among these,
hate for the Abyssinians is apparent in the ruling class,
although they have adopted all the customs and even the
household etiquette of the Abyssinians. In case of internal
disorders, these states will certainly try to use such
opportunity to their advantage. But Emperor Menelik doesn't
disturb these states for the time being, in view of the fact
that they are the most profitable regions of his empire.
Pressed from the north by Abyssinians, from
the south and east by Galla, Sidamo tribes ceded to the
newcomers almost all the territory they formerly occupied,
partly merging with them, and keeping some territories, such as
Kaffa, Mocha, Kulo, Sidamo, Amaro and Gurage. Kaffa and Mocha to
this day retain their independence. The others have been subdued
by the Abyssinians.
Up until the invasion of the Galla in the
sixteenth century, these regions, judging by the Abyssinian
Tarika Negest, belonged to them. For example, the names Kaffa
and Mocha were given to them, according to legend, by Atye Zar
Yakob, who in the fifteenth century conquered them. The word
"Kaffa" derives from the word kefu meaning "wicked," and Mocha
from the word mot meaning "death," because the conquest in all
probability did not come easily to the Abyssinians, thanks to
the war-likeness of the inhabitants and the difficult
mountainous and forested terrain.
At the time of the invasion of Gran
(sixteenth century), one of the sons of Atye Zar Yakob reigned.
The Gallas, having occupied all the intervening country, waged
uninterrupted war against the remnants of the former population,
but the difficulty of the terrain and the bravery of the
inhabitants of the above-named regions, preserved them like
islands up until today.
It is worthy of note that the Galla call all
Abyssinians "Sidamo," not seeing the differences between the two
nations.
This serves, besides, as an indication that
the Galla came from Arussi, since Sidamo is the name of the
province which borders Arussi and Ethiopians inhabit it. Having
first become acquainted with the Ethiopians of Arussi, they
called all the other Ethiopians by the same name.
The Sidamo type is very beautiful,
particularly the women. The color of the skin is lighter than
that of the Galla and the Abyssinians. The women are quite
light. The features of the face are very regular: thin straight
noses, thin lips, oblong eyes, small hands and feet. The skull
is not flattened out and is more round than among the Galla. The
hair is curly. Their stature is smaller than that of the Galla.
The women are thinner and more graceful.
I passed through the regions of Mocha and
Alga, which are inhabited by them, during time of war and did
not have a chance to become acquainted in detail with their way
of life and character. But, judging by questions, their
character differs little from that of the Abyssinians. They
dress similarly in shammas, have the same food, and have a
similar governmental organization. For example, Kaffa has a
negus (a descendant of Zar Yakob) and is divided into 12
provinces governed by rases (six Christian and six
Mohammedan).(67) Mocha is also ruled by a king, who they call
tetchuchanochi, and the four regions into which it is divided
are ruled by aga-rases.
Kaffa is half-Christian. There are churches
and priests. But the question arises -- who assigns the priests,
since they do not have relations with the Abyssinian clergy and
do not have their own bishops. Mocha also preserves a memory of
Christianity.
They call God Erotchi, believe in Jesus
Christ, the Mother of God, and several saints. They fast on
Wednesdays and Fridays, and celebrate on Saturdays.
All the Sidamo tribes speak dialects which
are different, but very close to one another. They are very
brave and warlike.
Their weapons consist of spears, shields,
sometimes bows and arrows. They say that there are guns in
Kaffa. Their spears are not the same simple shape as the
Galla's, but are very intricate and almost always poisoned. The
Abyssinians consider war with them much more difficult than with
the Galla. It is said that they poison the water and resort to
all possible measures of war against the enemy, in which the
terrain, which is rugged, mountainous and forested, helps them
greatly.
I decided not to recount here everything that
I heard about them since, not being in a position to verify what
I heard, I could easily fall into error.
The relationship of the Abyssinians to these
tribes is different from their relationship with the Galla. They
consider the Sidamo as related with them by blood, and many
highly placed persons among them have Sidamo wives (for
instance, the afa-negus, the chief judge).
The Abyssinians rule the subdued Sidamo
tribes the same way as they do the Galla.
The western borders of Abyssinia and part of
the southern are inhabited by Negroes. The borders between Galla
and Negroes in the west are the Baro and Dabus Rivers. To the
south from Mocha on the slopes of the Kaffa Mountains there also
live Negroes of the Gobo, Suro or Shiro, and Gimiro tribes; and
on the western borders on the far side of the Baro are the
Gambi, Bako, Masanko and Madibis(68) tribes.
I did not succeed in going to Negro
settlements, but I saw several Gambi and Bako inhabitants, and
likewise saw captured slaves of the Madibis and Gimiro tribes.
The type of the Bako tribe is of very tall
build, dry, long-legged, with very large feet, which are turned
inward, and large arm bones, an oblong shaped skull, a turned-up
meaty nose, thick lips, curly hair, and skin that is completely
black. They extract their two upper front teeth and pierce the
lower ends of their ears. In addition, they tattoo their cheeks,
making three lines on each side. They dwell in a very unhealthy,
low-lying, swampy valley, in which all the tributaries of the
Sobat join together. It is extremely difficult to make your way
there.
Hence very little is known about them, and
they are rarely seen at markets in the town of Bure. They don't
wear clothes, but instead they make aprons out of leaves. The
Gambi tribe has just as much tattooing as the Bako, but differs
from it in smaller stature and not such long legs. The language
of the Gambi and the Bako is the same. The Gambi build wooden
houses, similar to those of the Galla. Their food consists
mainly of roots of ensete bananas (fruitless bananas). They have
cattle.
The Madibis tribe is found to the north of
the Bako. Judging by answers to questions, it is under the
authority of Arabs.
There reigns someone named Amati, who
according the words of the Negroes is white. He has only one
wife who also is white. He has double-barreled guns. (This is
according to the words of a Negro boy, whose sister was a slave
at the court of Amati. He was sold to Galla lands several years
ago.) The type of the Madibis is very well built with a round
skull, turned-up meaty nose, thick lips, small eyes, and curly
hair. Their arms and legs are large and their feet are turned
inward. They make three marks on each cheek and extract the
front upper teeth. They build stone houses, have monogamy; and
married people, under threat of being sold into slavery, do not
have the right to sleep together. They have many livestock, but
they eat only those that have died. On those rare occasions when
they hold a feast, they do not just butcher a cow, but rather
murder it, removing its head. Their usual food consists of soup,
and they are not squeamish about putting mice in it. The same
slave who told me all this showed me how they dance. The women
run in place and cry piercingly, "A-a-a!." The men at first do
not run like the women, and then going into an ecstasy begin to
jump back and forth, spreading their legs wide and crying
"Bum-bum!" All these Negro tribes are related to one another, in
all probability. It must be that they belong to the Shilluk(69)
[Nilot].
Bordering Mocha from the south, the Gimiro
tribe represents a different type than the rest. They are very
ugly, with a very turned-up nose and a huge mouth. They have a
different kind of tattooing: two vertical marks on the bridge of
the nose and two such marks at the ends of the mouth. They build
straw houses, like huts. They are involved in agriculture. By
the testimony of the Abyssinians, all these tribes are very
brave and warlike and adults never surrender themselves into
captivity -- only women and children fall into the hands of the
conqueror. They very quickly accustom themselves with their new
position and completely forget their former life and language. I
managed to transcribe several words of the Gimiro and Madibis
languages,(70) from which it can be concluded that these two
peoples have completely different languages.
Relations between these tribes and the
Abyssinians have up until now been such that the Negro tribes
have served the Abyssinians as the target of wars and raids.
Abyssinians have tried to take as much livestock and as many
prisoners as possible, and then would go back home. Now this
predatory way of conducting war is being replaced by another,
based on the annexation to the empire of new territories and the
general expansion of the empire. Evidently, the Negroes will not
be strong enough to defend themselves against this, and in all
probability, the time will soon come when all the surrounding
Negro tribes, who inhabit places that are not extremely
unhealthy, will be annexed by Ethiopia.
The Abyssinians, rulers of the country, call
themselves "Amhara" in contrast to the inhabitants of Tigre.
Through all the extent of my journey to the west, I did not come
across any areas that they had completely settled, but, on the
other hand, in those most recently conquered, all the rulers and
troops are Abyssinian.
As said above, being a mixture of all the
peoples who gradually occupied the country, they are not of one
uniform type.
The shape of the skull, the shade of the
skin, the height, the features of the face are all diverse. Side
by side with a clearly Semitic type, you see the regular facial
features of the ancient Egyptians and a turned-up nose. But, in
spite of this apparent diversity, the national character is very
determined and homogeneous, with small deviations that could
lead to two types -- Gojjam and Shoan.(71)
It is hard to imagine so many contrasts
united in one person, as are united in the Abyssinian character.
Their character is like the nature around them -- where
precipices, cliffs, mountains and plains alternate among one
another, and cold is mixed with tropical heat. If I allow myself
a rather free comparison, this is how I would characterize the
Abyssinian. He is talented and receptive, like a Frenchman. With
his practicality, with the way he deals with those he has
conquered and his governmental abilities, he is like an
Englishman. His pride is like that of a Spaniard. By his love
for his faith, his mildness of character and tolerance, he is
like a Russian. By his commercial abilities, he is like a Jew.
But in addition to all these characteristics, he is very brave,
cunning, and suspicious.
At the present time, Abyssinia -- with its
ancient culture, Christianity, and historically shaped
governmental order -- appears like an island among other peoples
who are almost in a childlike condition. Abyssinians have
professed the Christian faith since 343 A.D., and before then,
from the time of Solomon, they professed the Jewish faith, which
even today is reflected in their ceremonies.(72) To this day
they separate animals into pure and impure; they give great
significance to the ability to butcher cattle; and they
circumcise their children. There are many other similarities,
but I will tell of them in greater detail later.
Their language is of Semitic origin and of
Hamitic root, since their ecclesiastical and literary language,
Geez, derives from the Hamitic. The Geez language was brought to
Ethiopia at the time of the Semitic migration. The Semites,
becoming the ruling nation, made Geez their language. Mixing
with Ethiopian tribes, Cushites who lived on the Ethiopian
plateaux, they modified their language, adopting much from the
surrounding tribes. Since the distribution of Semites was not
uniform, with more to the north than to the south, to the north
the language retained a greater purity, and at the present time
we see in Abyssinia three dialects: Geez, ancient Hamitic, is
the ecclesiastical and literary language; the Tigrean dialect
which differs little from Geez; and the Amharic language, which
has many Geez roots, but which has a grammar and pronunciation
which is completely different from Geez. The Amharic language is
very sonorous. In it there are not of the characteristic
guttural "ha-ga" sounds of Semitic languages, including Geez and
Tigrean. Conjugation and declination are also completely
different between these two languages. The alphabet of both
consists of 202 letters. Each syllable is represented by a
different letter. The written form of the letters is similar to
ancient Chaldean. They write from left to right. (It is
significant to note that the all eastern people write from right
to left.) Regarding the pronunciation of several consonants
there are several complications. For instance, there are three
different ways to pronounce the letters "h" and "t"; there is a
difference between "ts" and "t-s"; and there are two ways to
pronounce the letter "s." All books are printed in the Geez
language, and only in recent times have several appeared in
Abyssinian: Feta Negest and Tarika Negest.
The first of these is a modified Code of
Justinian; and the second is the history of the reigns of kings.
The people have preserved some legends relating sometimes to
former kings, but mostly to saints. Of the kings, Atye Zar Yakob
(1434-1468) still lives in the memory of the people. He ruled
all of present-day Ethiopia, including Kaffa and Mocha. I was
unable to find any epics. There are some stories and
proverbs.(73) There are very few songs about the country, almost
none, because their singers prefer to touch upon lively
interests of the day with their songs or to sing unceremoniously
about the person who invited them, in hope of getting a good
tip. If the tip isn't good enough, the praise slowly turns to
insulting abuse. Songs with indecent contents are also very
wide-spread.
In Abyssinia there are two kinds of itinerant
singers: azmari and lalibala, which are always at odds with one
another. The azmari sing, accompanying themselves on a
single-stringed instrument like a violin, which is called a
masanko.(74) The lalibala sing heroic couplets with great
enthusiasm, and with them there is a chorus of boys or girls who
sing the refrain. These singers represent a completely different
class of people, and are not subject to the general laws of the
land. No one has the right to bother them, under threat of
severe punishment, and the singers can ridicule and blame
whomever they please, even the emperor himself to his face.
They all are afraid of this mockery and
generously reward singers, using them also as a way to increase
their popularity.
Azmari sing with great affectation, somewhat
nasally, and, during the song, roll over with their whole body
in time to the music. For the most part, what they sing is
improvised. Some of their tunes are very nice. Lalibala do not
sing, but rather yell or growl some kind of heroic recitative;
then the chorus sings some monotonous tune.
The family life of the Abyssinian is very
simple and almost the same in all classes. Houses in Shoa are
wooden; those in the north are stone. Their structure is very
simple. They drive sticks or stakes that are two and a half to
three arshins long [70 to 84 inches] into the ground around a
circle with a radius that is also three arshins [84 inches]. In
the middle is a large post which serves as the base for the
roof. The roof and the walls consist of the same kind of stakes
and are connected together with ropes or pieces of bast. The
house is not divided by partitions, but from one of the sides
they make a back shed for horses or sheep. In the middle of the
house is the hearth, on which they cook food in clay pots. By
one of the walls is the alga -- a bed, consisting of a wooden
frame on supports and a belt binding. All the rest of the space
is covered with large clay pots. There are no kitchen-gardens.
Large houses of leaders are built by the same system and attain
16 arshins [12 yards] in diameter. Sometimes they build them
without a central post. Around the circumference, they stick
large slivers of wood or stakes five arshins [4 yards] high, and
in the middle around the circumference of a little circle drawn
inside are several large posts. On these posts is placed a
circle of flexible bamboo poles, tied together with ropes, and
on this circle is held the whole roof, which consists also of
flexible thin spokes or slivers, joined together above in a
conic shape and fastened to a whole series of intermediate
horizontal circles made of bent bamboo. They wrap these circles
with multi-colored skins, and obtain a very beautiful
appearance.
The clothing of the Abyssinians consists of
white trousers. The well-to-do have white thin cotton shirts.
The highest personages wear silk ones. The waist is wrapped in a
long wide piece of cotton material, over which they wear a
bandoleer, if they have one, and a saber. On the shoulders they
throw a shamma, a large square piece of white cotton material
made locally. It is worn like a Roman toga, and there are many
nuances in the way it is worn. At home, where each Abyssinian
considers himself as an independent lord with full rights, like
the emperor in the empire, the Abyssinian dons the shamma
throwing the ends behind both shoulders and wrapping it around
his whole body. The extreme expression of pride is a sitting or
quietly moving Abyssinian, wrapped up to his nose in a shamma,
looking with disdain on all that surrounds him. In the presence
of or in the home of a higher person, no one other than this
person can wear his shamma in this way. Others wear theirs in
two ways. Half the shamma is wrapped around the waist, forming a
kind of skirt; and the other, free half is picturesquely thrown
over the shoulders. This is how all wear it when they speak with
the negus, for instance, or a slave before his master. In
addition, during a conversation, the rule is observed that the
younger when speaking to the elder, covers his mouth with the
free end of the shamma. Furthermore, a courtier, when leaving
the emperor or his leader, covers both of his shoulders with the
free half of the shamma. Also, in law court, the plaintiff and
the defendant wrap half the shamma around the waist and, hold
the other hand in their hands. They like to cover their head
with white muslin.
This is in imitation of Menelik. Previously
each brave man who had killed an elephant, lion or man braided
his hair in plaits.
Menelik always wears a headband. In recent
times, felt hats with wide brims have come into use. They
usually don't wear footwear and only when going to hot places do
they wear something resembling sandals. The highest persons put
on over the shamma what they call a kabba. This is a satin cloak
with a hood, bordered with fringe. For covering from rain and
cold, they have something like our felt cloak. This consists of
thick felt, but sewn so that it doesn't come undone. The hood is
on the back of it. The clothing of the women differs from that
of the men in that, instead of trousers and a thin shirt, they
wear a long, thick shirt that extends to the heels. The wealthy
have them embroidered with silk. Around their waist they wrap
the same kind of sash as the men, and on top they throw a
shamma, and some a cloak.
The usual food of the Abyssinian consists of
injera (a kind of pancake bread, which is round, about 3/4
arshin [21 inches] in diameter, which they eat dipped in sauce
made of pea meal with pepper. The wealthy add to that butter and
meat. Their national and favorite dish, which they succeed in
eating quite rarely is brindo, raw fresh-killed meat. A huge
fillet or thigh is held by a servant over a basket around which
those who are eating sit.
Each chooses a piece for himself and cuts it
out. They can eat an enormous quantity of raw meat, but all
Abyssinians without exception have the inevitable consequence of
that -- tapeworm.
Therefore, it is the established practice
among them to eat once every two months the cooked berries of
the kusso tree to expel the parasitic worms. They very strictly
observe fasts. On Wednesdays and Fridays they do not eat until
noon; and during fasts, even fish is forbidden.
In his own home the Abyssinian is the
complete master and zealously protects his right of the
inviolability of his dwelling, like an Englishman. In the home
of each wealthy Abyssinian the same strict etiquette is observed
as at the court of the emperor, although, of course, to a lesser
degree. There is a whole series of various domestic posts. For
instance, the agafari, is the one who admits those who wish to
see his master.
There are agafari of the husband and the
wife, who manage large receptions. They are usually very
important and full of their own dignity. They always have in
their hand a thin stick or little whip. The azzaj manages the
house and all the property.
There are chiefs of the various departments
of the household economy. The kitchen chiefs are the cookers of
honey, the injera-byet, wot-byet, and tej-byet. The chief of the
stables is the balderas. The asalyfi is the one who cuts the
food in pieces and serves the food and drink. The elfin ashkers
are the servants of the bedroom. They are usually notably
good-looking youths with gentle, graceful movements, with
refined Abyssinian manners, always remarkably draped in their
shammas.
The day of an Abyssinian noble usually begins
and ends very early. He gets up at sunrise and with his
secretary -- tsafi -- gets down to work. The secretary reads to
him the correspondence that has been received and answers to
these letters are composed. Having finished that, the noble goes
to the courtroom to dispense justice. All available soldiers and
chiefs have already assembled in the yard to accompany him. He
sits on a richly attired mule. Over him they unfurl a parasol,
and the huge procession moves to the courtroom. At eleven
o'clock on ordinary days and at two to three o'clock on fast
days, they have dinner. The wife is not at this meal. She sits
in the elfin -- the bedroom. Nobles dine with their closest
leaders. After the dinner of the master, the servants who are in
attendance on him eat what remains, and if the master wants to
especially distinguish one of them, he gives him his partly
eaten piece of meat or partially drunk decanter of mead. After
dinner, mead -- tej -- and beer -- tella(76) -- is brought in
decanters. And conversation begins, the thread of which is
always maintained by the master. In this regard they have
striking talent, and the popularity of a leader to a large
extent depends on his skill in conducting conversation.
At every minute people come to disturb the
master about this or that matter. Only in the evening do all the
retainers go away, business ends and he can spend a few hours
with his family.
At about seven o'clock he has supper with his
wife, and at about nine o'clock he has already gone to bed.
Families, as we know them, do not exist among
the Abyssinians. Therefore, mutual love among members of a
family, with very rare exceptions, does not exist. The absence
of family is due to the position of women in Abyssinia and the
instability of marriage.
With very few exceptions, all marriages are
civil. As a result, it is sufficient if the groom and bride in
the presence of two witnesses -- kuas -- declare in the name of
the negus that the marriage is made, and then the witnesses look
after the property brought by the wife and also are responsible
for the obligations which the groom takes on himself in
relationship to the family of the bride. From the moment of
swearing by the name of the negus, the marriage is completed,
but to divorce is just as easy as to marry. In front of two
witnesses, the husband sets the wife free, and then if the
divorce was not a consequence of discovering unfaithfulness of
the wife, then in going she has the right to half of all the
property which they then divide. Only after many years of
peaceful life together do the husband and wife decide to have a
church wedding, which is inviolable.
Priests are all married in church weddings.
Because divorce is so easy and families change so frequently,
one mother might have children from several fathers; and the
position of the children is extremely uncertain. For instance,
having divorced the first husband, the mother takes an infant
with her and leaves another with the husband. Then she marries a
second time, also has children from the second husband and a
second time divorces, and this time leaves all the children both
from the first and from the second marriage with the second
husband. I saw little love of parents for their children. Above
all, brothers and sisters are friendly to one another. At a
strikingly early age children cease being children. They are
very serious, rarely play pranks and you can entrust them with
important things to do, which they will take care of and not
make a mess of it. Their independent life begins very early.
The Abyssinian woman is terribly coquettish
and beautiful; but for the most part, she is short, poorly built
and rarely has many children. Having few children must be due to
the very early marriages. I knew a case where a girl seven years
old was given in marriage. They marry quite frequently at nine
years old, regardless of the fact that they are physically
completely undeveloped. The position of women is very free in
the lower class and completely closed in the higher class.
Eunuchs watch over them. They cannot go anywhere without a huge
escort. In other words, on those rare occasions she is
accompanied by her whole staff of chamber maids and eunuchs, and
they sit her on the mule and take her off the mule, closely
screening her by shammas from the view of strangers. In the
higher class, almost all women are literate and even well-read.
Very often, important correspondence is carried on between
husband and wife. Since relations between the sexes are very
easy, there are almost no instances of love affairs and
jealousy. Catching the wife in infidelity at the scene of the
crime, the husband has the right, with impunity, to kill both of
them, and usually does so. But until such time as the infidelity
has not been clearly discovered, the husband does not express
either jealousy or suspicion. The closed conditions of women of
the upper class are stipulated by etiquette.
The birth of a child is not a prominent,
happy event in the family. For the Abyssinian woman a child is
almost always a burden. At birth, a male child is circumcised on
the seventh day and christened on the twentieth. A female child
is circumcised on the fourteenth and christened on the fortieth.
At the christening, the child is given the name of some saint.
They never call themselves just by this name but always with
prefixes, for instance Wolda Mikael -- "birth of Michael," Gebra
Maryam -- "slave of Mary," Haile Iesus -- "strength of Jesus."
For the most part they do not call themselves by the name given
at christening but with a nickname. There are some very original
nicknames, for instance, Setayukh -- "How much I see" or
Enatenakh -- "You are to mother," Sefraishu -- "Find the place",
and for women, for instance, Terunesh -- "You a clean person,"
Worknesh -- "You are gold," Deseta -- "Happiness."
Death among them is a very sorrowful event,
mourned by all the relatives and acquaintances. And on this
occasion there appears a contradiction of their character.
Indifferent in his family feelings, the Abyssinian comes from
afar to mourn at the grave of a relative. The Abyssinian dies
quietly, in spite of the fact that during a grave illness for
several days before death, in his house a mass of people crowds
together, before time, to mourn him. (By the way, this happened
to me when I was seriously ill in December of 1896, and my
servants believed that my end was coming.) When it is apparent
that death is unavoidable, the person who is sick takes kusso (a
purgative) to drive out parasitic worms before death. (It is
considered indecent to die with these in one's stomach). Then he
takes confession and is given communion. They wash the corpse,
roll it up in linen and, with loud weeping, carry it to the
church where, after mass, they bury it with the head to the
east. They have mourners, but they do not collect the tears in a
vessel. Relatives wear mourning clothes, consisting of dirty,
torn and old clothing. For several days the closest relatives do
not leave the house, and during this time everyone who knew the
deceased pays his relatives a visit of sympathy; and, over a
small bottle of tej (mead), they weep together with them. In
such cases the effusiveness of the Abyssinian character is
expressed. Whether he rejoices or grieves, he tries as much as
possible to express this and let it be known. Their mimicry and
manner of conducting themselves always corresponds remarkably to
the occasion. For instance, mourning the death of someone who is
a completely stranger, the Abyssinian seems at this time to be
completely crushed by grief, and finally having convinced
himself of this, he weeps almost sincerely.
The property of the deceased is divided among
the children and among them they do not have the right of
inheritance by the eldest. Always the land, and very often all
the property of the deceased is inherited by whoever of the
children was closest to him.
Some writers compare present-day Abyssinia
with Europe in feudal times and identify its system with the
feudal system. But is this really so? The first condition of a
feudal system is the division into classes and hereditary
ownership and class advantages, which Abyssinia does not have.
In Abyssinia there is an aristocracy of position -- people who
at the present moment are in power. There are merchants,
priests, monks, soldiers, artisans, and peasants. But all of
these are differences in positions or occupations, and not
separate closed classes.
In Abyssinia there is no hereditary nobility,
and it would even be unthinkable given the country's family
structure. There are some families which lead their kin from
afar. There are some who consider themselves descendants of
kings and at this time are in the lowest position. In the
Abyssinian language, there isn't even a word to express
"nobility." Sometimes in an argument they say, that "I am bale
abat," which means "one who has a father."
But this is not to determine his noble
parentage, but rather in contrast to someone whose father was a
slave or who himself was a slave. The concept of hereditary
nobility is incompatible with the practical mind of the
Abyssinian. They admire wealth, position, and personal servants,
as long as these elements of strength are evident. But if they
should go away -- if the wealthy man is impoverished, if the
leader had his territory taken away from him, if someone who was
powerful at court falls into disgrace, or if children of a
powerful and great man do not represent anything remarkable by
their wealth or position -- then these people become equal with
all others and the lowest soldier will talk down to them
["tutoyer" in French]. But nevertheless, when distinguishing
among gentlemen, they always give preference to individuals
whose fathers were in the same position.
Selection for the highest government posts is
based on the principle of personal merit. And in addition to
that, in order to be recognized as emperor, besides the actual
power, one must have the ability to show that one is descended
from Solomon.
Rases and dajazmatches are very often
relations by marriage or by blood with the reigning emperor and
his wife. The emperor and empress try to tie them closer to the
throne by having them marry their relatives. But some of them
came from the very lowest positions.
Thus we see that nobility as a class does not
exist, but there is a class of those in high positions; or you
could call it a service aristocracy, the membership of which is
half by chance.
The concept of "mesalliance" does not exist
in the upper class. They select their wife by desire, and
sometimes from among the servants. Children of the upper class
usually start out at a young age at the court of the emperor or
of one of his principal leaders. There they carry out the
responsibilities of a house servant and receive the highest
Abyssinian education: they learn to play the lyre (bagana),(77)
to play chess, reading, writing, theology and military
exercises. Becoming personally known by the emperor or another
individual at whose court they serve, and finally, winning the
favor and confidence of him, they obtain some appointment. But
at court are found not only the children of those in the highest
posts, but also many who are there by chance. Posts are neither
for life nor progressive. Each person who holds a post considers
himself the direct servant of the person who gave him that
assignment. The only similarity between present-day Abyssinia
and Europe in feudal times is the apparently considerable
independence of those who govern the territories, but as we will
see later, this autonomy is very relative and the proprietorship
is not hereditary.
The life of the upper class is very simple
and uniform. In this regard it differs from the life of others.
This crowded court and etiquette represents in miniature the
court of the emperor. Their manner of conducting themselves with
subordinates is notable for remarkable restraint and dignity. In
general, the upper serving class have great qualities. They are
very devoted to the leaders who assigned them to their job and
zealously guard the interests of their patrons.
The Abyssinian clergy consists of "white" --
priests and deacons, and "black" debtera -- scribes, who are
secular individuals who live in churches. The similarity to
feudal times lies in the existence of ecclesiastical lands, very
large and independent properties controlled by them. Each church
has its land, half worked by peasants. Each monastery also has
lands, and, in addition, their bishops and the ychygye (the
leader of the monastic order of Saint Abun Tekla Haymanot) own
extensive lands.
Each man who feels the vocation can go into
the clerical ranks. But only those who have been prepared for it
and who marry in a church ceremony are consecrated as priests.
All deacons are children. Those who have prepared themselves for
the clerical calling, but have not been consecrated as priests,
not feeling this vocation, continue to live in churches and are
called debtera -- scholars or scribes. They have great influence
on the affairs of the church. In each church, the leader of all
the clergy who live there (the clergy of a parish can reach as
high as 300 men in a single church and never is less than 25)
and of the church lands is appointed from among the debtera. The
clergy -- especially the debtera and itinerant monks -- have
great influence on the people. Each person of the upper class
has a confessor, who plays a large role in his family life. In
the Abyssinian clergy, many characteristics of Judaism have been
preserved. Debtera, for example, take the place of the former
scribes and Levites. They sing during the church service, devote
themselves to theology and copying holy books. The Abyssinians
have preserved some ceremonies borrowed from the Jews. They read
the Psalms of David more often than the Gospels. But, in spite
of all that, Abyssinians, and especially their clergy, are
ardent and sincere believers, and among their monks there are
many ascetic heroes. (For more details on that see the chapter
"Church and Faith.")
Military service is the favorite profession
of Abyssinians, but having the full freedom of a person in the
limits of the responsibilities he has taken on for himself, each
enters into service by his own desire and choice. The army is
very well paid and in peace time does not entail any work. (The
army will be described in detail later.)
Merchants constitute a separate class and are
subordinate to nagada-rases ("chief of traders" -- of which
there are three). Some towns are populated exclusively by
merchants and regardless of the fact that they are located among
other estates, they are governed separately from the others. The
merchants are distinguished by great resourcefulness and
commercial abilities, which they inherit, in all probability,
from their Semite ancestors. They usually buy goods from Galla
merchants and take them to the sea. Some even take them to Aden.
Membership in the merchant class is as random
as is membership in the other classes, and is not based either
on heredity or on other positions.
Those who work the land (peasantry as a class
does not exist) become such by their own desire. There are two
kinds of them: those who owe a rent to whoever has title to
their land, whether this is the emperor or someone else, and
those who, in some provinces, possess their won land. Abyssinian
farms have less of a many-field system than Galla ones. They do
not grow roots, as the Galla do. But they work the land well
enough using the same tools as the Galla. The livestock among
them is the same as among the Gallas: bulls, cows, sheep, goats,
horses, mules, donkeys, and in the north there is a special
breed of rams with very long wool.
The artisans -- for the most part descendants
of the Felasha -- are concentrated at the courts of rulers.
Weavers and smiths often live separately. Among the artisans are
smiths, joiners, tanners, saddle makers, weavers, goldsmiths,
and gunsmiths.
Continuous wars which yield many prisoners,
and the necessity for a large number of workers to support the
way of life of the upper class gave rise to slavery. But this
slavery does not resemble what we are accustomed to
understanding by this term. By a law issued by the Emperor
Menelik, slavery has been abolished in the country; and at risk
of having one's hands cut off, it is forbidden to sell or buy
slaves. Nevertheless, those who were captured earlier, and
recently captured Gallas and Negroes stay at the homes of their
masters and continue to work for them, receiving food and
clothing in return. This is a very indefinite condition, which
could not be called either slavery or freedom.
For instance, a runaway when captured is
returned to his former master and is punished for escaping, but
the children of slaves are not slaves, and willingly,
faithfully, by force of habit stay at home and serve their
masters. To buy or sell slaves is forbidden, but you can give
them away. Today you can also say with certainly that the last
remnants of slavery will soon be abolished and tht Abyssinians
will change to paid labor since the way they conduct wars has
already begun to change its character, turning from the raids of
the past to conquest of new lands and annexation of them. Since
all the conquered inhabitants are attached to the land, war will
not yield slaves. But the slavery there is today is a very mild
form of it. They treat their slaves very well, do not force them
in their work, and consider them as members of the family.
The distribution of property in the country,
despite the existence of a large number of beggars, is rather
even. Few are those who stand out conspicuously above the
general level. The right to own land only exists in a few
provinces, namely Tigre and Shoa and others at a distance from
the imperial power. Otherwise, all land belongs to the emperor.
The distribution of land in central Abyssinia took place
historically. Part is owned directly by the emperor, part is
granted to the church, part is given to the proprietorship of
private individuals half and half or by other arrangements, and
part is distributed to military leaders in the form of pay.
Galla lands together with their population belong to the emperor
by right of conquest. All Galla are considered obliged to pay
rent, and at the present time the same process is beginning
which took place in Russia at the time of Boris Godunov -- the
process of turning people into serfs. Considering himself free,
a Galla who is dissatisfied with the governor of the territory
or with the burden of taxes abandons his home and goes to
another Galla, who willingly accepts him. This phenomenon
serves, in the first place, as a curb against too greedy
administrators, but then, on the other hand, it gives rise to a
large number of complaints against neighbors -- a constant
correspondence with demands for returning those who have left,
which, of course, rarely succeed. In former times, the majority
of Galla fled to the autonomous Galla lands -- Leka, Wollaga and
Jimma. But now the emperor has forbidden the rulers of these
lands from accepting new immigrants. This should be the first
step toward finally turning the whole Galla population into
serfs.
The export and import trade of Abyssinia is
in the hands of Abyssinians and a few Europeans: French,
Armenians, and Greeks.
For the most part, imports consist of guns
(through Djibouti), cheap paper linen from India, glass vessels
(small decanters), silk and velvet cloth, and small items.
Exports consist of coffee, ivory, gold, musk, and skins. Both
imports and exports are directed to four points -- Massawa,
Djibouti, Zeila, and Berber. Massawa has now, with the shift of
the political center of Abyssinia to the south, lost its former
significance. Djibouti is gaining more and more importance as
the sole point for import of guns, but the main part of the
native trade goes by way of Zeila to Aden. Berbera serves as the
port for Somali lands and the southern regions of Jimma and
Kaffa. Merchants sell their wears at marketplaces which are
found at each little populated point. Exchange is conducted in
money. The monetary unit is the Maria Theresa taler and pieces
of salt (amulye) which are six vershoks [nine inches] long, and
one vershok [one and three-quarters inches] thick. They give
seven pieces of salt for one taler. Now the emperor is trying
popularize coins of his own mint of various values, but up until
now he has been unsuccessful.(78)
It is said that how they pass their free time
and games indicate the character of a people. In this regard,
the Abyssinians have a wide range of games according to the time
of the year and their appropriateness for big holidays. The
Abyssinian does not play an unseasonable game, even though all
the circumstances favor it.
In the month of September on the holidays of
Maskal, Holy Cross Day, everyone who owns a horse plays guks.
They prepare horses for this big game, and on the day of the
holiday they all go out on the plain. This game is an imitation
of actual individual cavalry combat. Dividing themselves in two
groups, several dare-devils engage in battle. They fly at full
career at someone on the opposite team and, not having galloped
a hundred steps, sharply turn and gallop away. Those who are
summoned and others with them pursue those who summoned them and
throw at them a javelin without a point, which the others parry
with their shield, and some who are dexterous parry with a
javelin. Once started, the battle becomes general: clouds of
flying javelins, sometimes the dry sound of one striking a
shield and a mass of riders racing forward and backward at full
career. Among the horses, servants of the gentlemen dart in and
out and bring them javelins. It is rare that such a game takes
place without unfortunate accidents, sometimes ending in death,
since the force of the javelin, even without a point, is so
great that it sometimes pierces the shield. And I know of an
incident when one Abyssinian broke his arm because a javelin
piercec through his shield. (By the way, the Gallas, having
adopted this game from the Abyssinians, are enthusiastic about
it even more than the Abyssinians are.)
In November begin the games that lead up to
the great games of guna on Christmas. The people also call the
holiday of Christmas guna. The reason for this, I believe, is
the same as that among us in Russia, where a holiday of a pagan
cult is timed to take place with a Christian one. For example,
kolyada, Shrovetide, is the celebration of John the Baptist.
The game of guna consists of two teams, armed
with wide sticks that are an arshin [28 inches] in length, that
try to drive a small piece of wood to the enemy's side. All, old
and young, play at Christmas this game that, like guks, rarely
can take place without unfortunate accidents.
From the beginning of Lent begins the time
for the playing of was -- a ball made of rags. One person,
sitting on the shoulders of another, throws the playing balls in
a heap. Whoever gets the ball sits on the shoulders of the one
who threw it, and the game goes on forever.
At Easter again they play guks and giji. In
giji, a thin pole is set up and they throw javelins at it from
50 paces. When someone hits the target three times, all the
others lie on the ground and the winner goes past them.
In August, after the rains, they play jiraf
-- long whip. All, having armed themselves with a long strap,
are divided into two teams and try to drive one another away. In
the end, the weaker team runs away. This also doesn't happen
without mutilation.
These games have great educational
significance. The whole nation takes great interest in them; and
these games demand from the player great endurance, dexterity,
and quickness of understanding and accustom them to danger.
Their household games are senterei (chess)
and gebeta, a kind of backgammon. The chess moves are the same
as the way we play the game, but the circumstances are
different. For example, the game is not considered lost if the
king is taken. Gebeta is similar to backgammon, but dice are not
thrown. Rather the game is based on calculation, so it requires
very quick wits. On a board or simply on the ground, there are
12 or 18 little holes. At the beginning of the game half the
holes belong to one player and half to the other. In each little
hole there are three pebbles. Shifting these pebbles in accord
with known rules, they win over from their opponent his holes
and pebbles. The person whose last pebble arrives at a hole
where there are three pebbles takes possession of that hole.
The empire of the now-reigning Menelik II,
king of kings of Ethiopia, consists of the following domains.
Listing them from north to south, they are:
Ras Mengesha Yohannes -- Tigre. Ras Mengesha
is a natural son of Emperor Yohannes IV. Yohannes' legitimate
son and heir to the throne was Ras Area, who married the
daughter of Menelik -- Woyzaro Shoareg. Ras Area died. The
boundaries of Tigre once extended to the shores of the sea; but
first Turks and Egyptians and, especially in recent times,
Italians drove back the Abyssinians to the other side of the
Mareb River. Although the Italians were defeated in the last
war, in the peace treaty it is assumed that the boundaries stay
at Belesa-to-Mareb.(79)
Ras Wali -- the mountain province to the
south of Tigre: Lasta Samyen, Eju. He is a brother of the
Empress Taitu and son of the Tigrean Ras Wolda Giyorgis.
The dynasty of the Wagshums -- the provinces
of Wag and Derru. There are two brothers: Wagshum Wangul and
Wagshum Kabeda. They are a strong Jewish type, but in all
probability their ancestors were Felasha kings, since the
mountains of Samena and Wag are populated by them. (Felasha are
Abyssinian Jews).
Ras Mikael -- Wollo. Ras Mikael, baptized by
the Emperor Yohannes, is a Galla, formerly king of Wollo.
Negus Tekla Haymanot is king of Gojjam,
Damot, Amhara, Gindeberat, Jimma, Lima, Guder, and Horro. Negus
Tekla Haymanot, formerly Ras Adal, is the son of Ras Gosho. He
was crowned negus by Atye Yohannes in 1881 for the conquest of
Kaffa.
Ras Mengesha Bituaded(80) -- Gondar and
Begamedyr. The title bituaded means "favorite." It is usually
given to one of the rases who is closest to the reigning
emperor. He is entrusted with the government of the provinces of
Gondar and Begamedyr. The city of Gondar was formerly the
official capital of Abyssinia. (Today, besides Ras Mengesha
Bituaded there is a Bituaded Atnafi, an old man, ruler of a
small area, and a favorite of the negus.)
Azzajs -- those who rule lands of Emperor
Menelik, are generals of his own army. They rule parts of the
kingdom of Shoa, the hereditary domain of Emperor Menelik. Shoa
consists of the provinces of Tegulet, Ifat, Menjar, Bulga and
Ankober.
Ras Makonnen -- Harar, Chercher, Itu, Erer,
Ogaden. Ras Makonnen is a nephew of the emperor on his mother's
side.
Dajazmatch Wolda Gabriel -- Bali and part of
Arussi.
Ras Dargi -- Arussi, the homeland of the
Galla people. Ras Dargi is the son of Atye Sahle Selassie, the
grandfather of Menelik. Besides this recently conquered
province, he also rules a small region near Gondar. He is very
dear to the emperor and has great influence.
Dajazmatch Balachio -- Sidamo. Formerly Lyj,
Balachio is a son of Dajazmatch Beshakha. Balachio was in
Petersburg with the embassy of Damto. This year on the occasion
of the death of his father, killed at Adwa, the emperor gave him
the government of his father's former lands. The other half of
Sidamo is ruled by Dajazmatch Mul Saged.
Fitaurari Abto Giyorgis -- Gurage and Sodo.
Dajazmatch Haile Maryam -- Chobo, Bocho and
Tikur.
Dajazmatch Haile Maryam is a nephew of the
emperor, the oldest brother of Ras Makonnen.
Dajazmatch Ubye -- Mecha, Ejir-Salafu, and
Nonno. Ubye is married to Woyzaro Zawditu, the second daughter
of Emperor Menelik.
Dajazmatch Demissew -- Gera, Guma, Gomo,
Buna, Leka and Wollaga. He is the son of Afa-negus Nasibu, the
chief judge. He has the main supervision of the autonomous Galla
provinces of Leka, under Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer and Wollaga,
under Dajazmatch Joti.
Likamakos Abata -- Chalea, Tibye, Wobo, and
Sibu. Likamakos is a court rank equivalent to Adjutant General.
Dajazmatch Tesemma -- Ilu-Babur, Buna, Burye,
Alye, and all the southwestern areas of Abyssinia. Tessema, the
son of Dajazmatch Nadou, is married to the god-daughter of
Empress Taitu, the daughter of the Galla king of Guma.
Ras Wolda Giyorgis -- Botor-Limu, Kulo,
Kosho, Konta-Shiro. He also has main supervision over the
kingdom of Jimma of Aba-Jefar. (Negus Aba-Jefar is a
Mohammedan.)
The recently conquered province of Walamo is
directly under the command of Menelik. These days, Abdurakhman,
the king of Beni-Shangul has submitted to the Emperor.
All these domains are not hereditary, but
rather are bestowed by the Emperor (with the exception of the
domains of Negus Tekla Haymanot, Tigre, the kingdom of Jimma,
Leka, and Wollaga). The size of each domain depends purely on
personal factors -- on the relationship of the Emperor to the
proprietor and on his personal merit, and consists of one or
several provinces. The connection between these provinces is not
permanent and can always be broken either by one of them being
taken away or by the addition of a new area. All these
"polymarchs," as these rulers of regions can be called, are
completely independent in internal affairs, justice, the
distribution of lands and jobs. But in all else they are
absolutely under the command of the Emperor. They recognize his
power and pay him tribute in the form of taxes or presents.
In general, Ethiopia represents a single
state, divided for government among the main military leaders,
under the absolute imperial power of the king of kings, all the
strength of whom rests in the army and in the love of the
people.
A necessary condition to becoming Emperor is
belonging to the house of Solomon and Menelik I. (The exception
to this was the dynasty of Zagye and the Emperors Tewodros and
Yohannes.)
From this we see that the Ethiopian Empire is
a purely military state. It became this historically, having
earlier experienced many other phases.
It is not within the limits of my work to
describe the history of Ethiopia, but I consider it necessary to
indicate some of its prominent moments.
The name "Ethiopia," which the Abyssinians
give to their country, is a Greek word and in translation means
"black face." Homer called all of Central Africa "Ethiopia,"
stretching from the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean to the
Atlantic. Diodor the Sicilian distinguished three Ethiopias:
Western -- the Congo Basin, High -- the present-day highlands of
Ethiopia, and Eastern -- which included the lower, east coast of
Africa and South-Western Arabia.
In the history of Ethiopia, the following
moments can be distinguished:
1. The period which preceded the Queen of
Sheba. This period is almost completely unknown with regard to
what is now Ethiopia, and apparently doesn't have any connection
with it.
2. The Queen of Sheba and the Solomonic(81)
dynasty which followed her were displaced by King Del Noad of
the Zagye dynasty in the year 901 A.D. According to the
Abyssinian Tarika Negest, the Queen of Sheba, having heard about
the greatness of Solomon, went to him and had by him a son named
Menelik or Ybnakhakim.
There is much disagreement regarding the
etymology of this word. Several believe that it derives from the
Amharic words "men" which means "what" and "alykh" which means
"you say." In other words, "what you say or tell." Others
translate Menelik as "second I." But the name Ybnakhakim, which
is equivalent to Menelik, comes from the Arabic, and the most
probable translation for that is "descended from a wise man."
Hakim -- "wise" -- was the Arabic name for Solomon.
The Queen of Sheba, Azyeb or the Southerner,
also had many other names: Makeda and Nikola. The Abyssinians
affirm that Aksum was her capital, but others say it was Yemen.
There is also dissension among scholars on this question. Some,
such as, for example, Patriarch Mendes and Bruce(82), accept the
legend about her journey to Solomon and consider her to be
actually a queen of Aksum. Others (such as Pined) consider her
to be an Arabian queen. Most probably, she ruled both
present-day Ethiopia and the Arabian peninsula, at least part of
the one and the other, since between Arabia and Ethiopia there
was a close connection at that time, based on the continual
migration of Semites to Africa.
The legend says further that Menelik, having
come of age, was sent to Jerusalem. He was supposed to give
Solomon gifts from his mother. Abyssinians have preserved the
legend that at the time of his reception for the first time by
Solomon, Solomon, wanting to test his son, stood in the ranks of
his retinue, and on the throne placed one of his retainers.
Menelik, although he had never seen his father, having first
bowed to the man on the throne, did not give him the gifts, but
rather began to search with his eyes among the retinue and,
having finally seen Solomon, bowed to him.
He was very similar to his father and enjoyed
great popularity. As a result of this, it is said that Solomon,
having generously given him presents and many Levites, priests
and children of many noble families, let him return to his
homeland.
On leaving, Menelik, it is said, stole the
Ark of the Covenant and one of the tablets of Moses.
He reigned under the name of David. He
converted his whole people to Judaism and abolished idolatry in
the country.
In the ninth year of the reign of Bazen, a
king of this dynasty, Christ was born.
At the time of the fortieth king of this
dynasty, Abrekh-Atsebakh, the light of Christian learning
penetrated Abyssinia in the person of Saint Frumentius, called
by the Abyssinians Aba Salama (343 A.D.)
From this dynasty in 521 A.D. there reigned
King Kaleb who had undertaken a campaign against the Jewish King
Zu-Nuvas,(83) well-known for his oppression of Christians of
Nauad. Kaleb defeated Zu-Nuvas, and the Ethiopian kingdom was
founded by the son of Kaleb, Abrekh, who then died at the siege
of Mecca. His two sons were routed by the Persians and the
kingdom was destroyed.
3. In 901 A.D. the Zagye dynasty was
established and reigned until 1255 when on the imperial throne
again appeared a king from the dynasty of Solomon thanks to the
insistence of Saint Tekla Haymanot. The man who re-established
the dynasty was Ikuna Amlak.
The most outstanding member of the dynasty of
Zagye was King Lalibala, ranked by the Abyssinians as one of the
saints. He is known as a builder of churches. Legend also
attributes to him an attempt to divert the water of the Nile to
the Red Sea.(84)
4. Beginning with Ikuna Amlak in the Tarika
Negest more detailed descriptions make there appearance. This
period, which continued until the invasion of Gran in 1534 A.D.,
is very similar to the Middle Ages in Europe. Apparently, in
this era, the feudal system flourished. The king was only the
first feudal lord of his kingdom. There existed individual land
property of the gentry with hereditary rights and privileges.
From 1434 to 1468 Atye Zara Yakob reigned,
and in his reign Ethiopia attained its highest brilliance of
power and majesty.
He was an ardent Christian and was interested
in church dogma. In his reign, a church council was convened,
and the dogma was established about the Holy Trinity -- one in
nature and three in persons. The first relations with Europe
were started by him.
At the time of the Florentine Council, he
wrote through Aba Nikodim, the father superior of the Abyssinian
church in Jerusalem, a letter to Pope Eugene IV. He conquered
Kaffa, Mocha, and Enareya and converted them to Christianity.
According to tradition, he gave those lands their names. "Kaffa"
comes from the word kefu which means "evil." Mocha comes from
mot, which means "death." And Enareya in translation means
"slaves," since those who were conquered were turned to slaves.
After the death of Atye Zara Yakob, relations
were opened with Portugal.
In Europe, the legend of "Prester John"
circulated. He reigned somewhere in the East -- in India or in
Africa. The Portuguese King John sent John Covilha and Alfonso
de Paiva to find him. The second died on the way, but the first
reached Ethiopia, visited at the court of Atye Eskender and
reported to his government that he had found "Prester John."
When Eskender died, there ascended the throne
the under-age Lebna Dengel, known by the name of David. His
grandmother, Eleni, threatened from the east and the south by
Mohammedans, sent Covilha with an Armenian named Matthew to the
Portuguese King Dom Manuel with a request for help. In reply was
sent a mission, consisting of Duarte Galvano, Rodrigo de Lima,
Alvares and Bermudes. All of them, with the exception of
Galvano, who died in the Kamaran Islands, reached David II in
1520.
The wars of Gran and the mission of
Portuguese and Jesuits that took place then are sharply
distinguished from the rest of the history of Ethiopia, almost
constituting a separate epoch.
The Abyssinian Tarika Negest says almost
nothing about these events. But Portuguese sources, and in
particular Jeronimo Lobo ("Voyage historique d'Abyssinie")(85),
elucidates for us this epoch, which lasted from 1534 to 1635,
when the Jesuits were expelled by Emperor Fatsilidas(86).
The embassy of Rodrigo de Lima and Alvares
returned in 1526 and brought with them an Abyssinian monk --
Saga za Ab or Christovl Likonat. Rodrigo carried with him a
letter to the Portuguese king and Alvares carried one to the
Pope. But in 1534 Gran appeared, and the frightened David sent
Bermudes to the Portuguese king with a request for help and a
promise to adopt the Roman faith and give a third of his lands
to the Portuguese.
King John III appointed Estevano da Gama, son
of the famous Vasco da Gama, as viceroy of India. ("India" at
that time was the name for all the eastern coast of Africa and
present-day Abyssinia.)
He ordered him to destroy the Turkish and
Arabian fleets in the Red Sea. Estevano didn't succeed in
finding the Turkish fleet, and he put ashore 400 Portuguese
under the command of Christovao da Gama (his brother) at
Massawa. This landing of troops was very opportune since the
Ethiopian empire was at that time in a critical position. Gran
had for several years managed to put all of Abyssinia to fire
and sword, beginning with Menjar and up to Aksum, which he
torched and destroyed. But what kind of man was Gran and what
were these hordes that came with him?
Lobo calls him a Moor from the cape of
Guardafui and his horde also Moors (however, Portuguese called
almost all Mohammedans "Moors.") Bruce also calls his army
"Moors." In Portuguese sources he is called King of Adal and
Emir of Zeila, and they conjecture that he was Somali. But how
is this? In Lobo's book, the entire east cost of the Gulf of
Tajura is called Zeila, and nothing is mentioned of Harar, which
at that time was a considerable city and an independent region.
Evidently, he did not know about Harar. The province of Harar
was originally populated by a people related by blood to Agau,
Guragye and Kaffa -- in other words, pre-Semitic inhabitants of
the plateau.
Before their invasion into Ethiopia, the
Galla occupied all the lands of Harar, and its surviving
inhabitants gathered in one place and built the city of Harar
and preserved their national independence up until that time.
Both Galla and the people of Harar, who were close to the coast
and consequently in the sphere of influence of Islam, were among
the first to adopt Mohammedanism. According the unanimous
traditions of the Abyssinians, Galla and people of Harar, Ahmad
Gran was born close to Harar and was a Galla. The indication in
history that he was king of Adal (the inhabitants of Aussa on
the coast of the Gulf of Tajura, located to the north from the
Somalis, are called Adalis) doesn't prove anything, because, in
all probability, he was the chief of the whole Mohammedan
population, including Adalis and Somalis, and they, for a
certainty, helped him in his campaigns. But the main part of his
armies consisted of Galla.
This is demonstrated by the fact that all the
conquered Abyssinian lands were settled by none other than the
Galla -- Galla of Wollo, Borena, and Tuluma. In the ranks of his
armies were janissaries, Turkish riflemen and artillery, who
were sent to him at his request after the defeat inflicted on
him by the Portuguese. I give very little credence to the
indication that the Adalis were armed with guns, since if in the
last expedition of the Adalis to Aussa, instead of using Rozdan
or Italian guns, they preferred to hang them on trees, then, I
think all the more that, at that time, they were not capable of
operating fire-arms.
The Portuguese who had landed were
ceremoniously met by Eleni, who saw them as her saviors. The
Emperor Galawdewos was at that time in Gondar. Da Gama went to
him. At Belut the first battle with Gran took place, where 400
Portuguese, thanks to their fire-arms, completely crushed a
many-times stronger enemy.
Nevertheless, in view of their small numbers,
they were forced to spend the winter in Membret, surrounded by
once again assembled hordes of Gran, to whom were now joined
Turkish riflemen and artillery. In the battle that took place
there, Christovao da Gama was killed, and the remaining
Portuguese joined forces with Emperor Klavdiy in Damby. Gran
went there and attacked Galawdewos, but the Portuguese Peter Lev
killed him, and this decided the outcome of the battle and the
Galla invasion. This happened in 1547.
Gran was an outstanding personality and to
this day still lives in the memory of the people, who ascribe to
him supernatural qualities. For example, they say that on the
Chercher road a spring summoned forth from a stone by a stroke
of Gran's spear; and as evidence of that, they point to traces
of his sword in the rock, etc. He was able to unite and direct
toward a single general goal tribes that are extremely
freedom-loving and independent, and of which, besides, some are
completely different from others by their lineage and their
language. The epoch of Gran threatened Abyssinia with terrible
danger. But with his death, this danger went away, because
neither before Gran nor after him was there a personality who
could unite all these tribes. Part of his forces went back, and
part stayed on the conquered lands and engaged in raids against
Abyssinians and civil war. In the south there continued a war of
separate families for land, and the Galla, not stopping, a
little at a time, gave way more and more to the west.
The despotism, exactingness, and lack of tact
of the Portuguese meant that they could not excite sympathy
toward themselves, and we see that discord began between Emperor
Klavdiy and them, and that he expelled Patriarch Bermudes. But
with this expulsion the pretensions of the Vatican on Ethiopia
did not end.
We see a whole series of Catholic patriarchs
of Ethiopia, a whole series of Jesuit missions, which busied
themselves more with politics than faith, and relied more on the
strength and prestige of Portugal than on their strength of
persuasion. The results were the same as in the states of Europe
-- hatred of the people, civil war, plots, discord and finally
the expulsion of the Jesuits. This was a significant period in
the history of Abyssinia. Having started relations with Europe,
freed by Europeans from ruin, Abyssinia was very close to
complete unity with Europe, if only the Europeans had been a
little more tactful and not so demanding. But instead of this,
what happened was completely
opposite. They had to save themselves from their saviors. And
having learned such a lesson, the Abyssinians have been
prejudiced against whites up until this time, and will be so
even longer.
6. The epoch that followed this one, from
1635 to 1769, the year of the death of Atye Ayto Ioas(87), can
be called the time of development of imperial power on the
ground of the feudal system which had been destroyed by the
Galla invasion. In this epoch was laid the foundation, which,
completed by King Tewodros, would constitute the basis of
today's empire. This basis was the military organization of the
empire and the fact that the well-being of everyone depended on
the kindness of the emperor.
The native lands of the Abyssinians which had
been conquered by the Galla were once again taken back by the
emperors and, as if by right of conquest of new lands, were
declared the property of the king. This produced a revolution in
the life of the people. Up until that time in Abyssinia there
existed class division: there were nobles, who owned land, and
there were peasants, who worked half and half for large
landholders. In this way a blow was dealt to the nobility, but
the peasants continued to live in their former conditions, with
this difference -- that they became obligated for the land to
the emperor himself. This revolution took place imperceptibly.
At first only the legal situation was proclaimed -- that all
land belongs to the emperor. But by the smallest steps, little
by little, lands were taken away and given to others. In
addition, separate districts were formed which were responsible
for some special service, for instance a district of spear
carriers etc.
Each possessed a district on condition of
known obligations to the empire. The small districts carried out
the above named auxiliary service. Those that were more sizable
were obliged to supply a known number of soldiers in time of
mobilization. The number of soldiers depended on the size of the
district.
In this manner, the old feudal system was
completely destroyed, and a new foundation was established which
gave the empire great strength. The population was divided into
two parts. One went to the land on known conditions. The other
grouped itself around the throne, the source of charity and
prosperity, and placed all their hope in service to the emperor.
Around the emperors there formed a
significant army, which they used more for the expansion of the
boundaries of the empire than for internal wars, whereas before
it had been the reverse. The army itself was almost obliged to
conduct war, since without it there would be no means to satisfy
its needs. Thus we see that the former citizens who took up arms
only for self-defense, were turned into soldiers for whom war is
a profession, and the hereditary feudal lords turned into
non-hereditary polymarchs.
7. In this epoch the same cause which gave
rise to the previous epoch now brought it down almost
completely. This time, beginning with the death of Atye Ayto
Ioas in 1769, continued to the accession to the throne of
Emperor Tewodros II in 1855.
Due to the greatly increasing power of
separate military leaders, civil wars occurred in the country.
The strongest of the military leaders captured Begamedyr and
crowned his pretender to the throne from the house of Solomon,
having forced him to proclaim himself "Ras Bituaded." And
Begamedyr ruled the empire under this title. Among these
Bituadeds was the remarkable dynasty of Ras Guksa. Guksa was the
grandson of Ali the Great, a Galla Mohammedan, chief of the Iju
tribe(88). The descendants of Guksa for a long time disposed of
the throne of Ethiopia by their arbitrary rule.
The reign of Tewodros II(89) marked the
beginning of the revival of imperial power, which has now
attained its apogee.
I am not going to enlarge upon the reigns of
Tewodros II and Yohannes IV(90). In general outline, these
reigns are well known to all, and in detail each of them could
be the subject of a separate work. I will stop only at the
history of the accession to the throne of Emperor Menelik and
several years of his reign.
Menelik was the son of the Shoan Negus Haile
Malakot, grandson of Sahle Selassie(91), (patron of Europeans)
who is well known from the works of d'Hericourt(92). He traces
his family from Solomon.
The kingdom of Shoa, separated from the rest
of Ethiopia by Gallas of Wollo, kept its independence and
ancient traditions and peacefully prospered while the rest of
Ethiopia was torn apart with civil wars. Originally, the ruler
of Shoa, one of the sons of Zara Yakob, had the title of
meridazmatch(93). With the fall of imperial power, the
meridazmatches of Shoa took the title of negus and declared
themselves independent. Emperor Tewodros, having set his sights
on uniting and restoring the empire, launched a campaign against
Haile Malakot, the king of Shoa. In 1856, the Shoans were
beaten, Haile Malakot was killed and the government of Shoa was
given to the brother of Haile Malakot, Ato Ayale(94), with the
title of meridazmatch. Eleven-year-old Menelik (who was born in
1845)(95) was taken prisoner together with all the remaining
relatives of Haile Malakot.
As soon as Tewodros went away, Ato Seyfu, a
brother of Ato Ayale who had fled, united with Ato
Bezaby(96) and went against Ayale.
They defeated him and divided Shoa among
themselves. But four years later, Tewodros returned to punish
the rebels. Ato Bezaby was able to obtain pardon and gain the
confidence of Tewodros, but Ato Seyfu fled and was killed. The
government of the whole kingdom of Shoa was given to Ato Bezaby,
who ruled until 1866, the time of the return of Menelik. That
year, 20-year-old Menelik fled with only one slave Wolda Tadik
(now Azzaj Wolda Tadik, ruler of Ankober) to the ruler of Wollo.
The son of that ruler was at that time in captivity with
Tewodros, and he, intending to do Tewodros a service and
mitigate the lot of his son, put Menelik, who had come to him,
in chains and decided to give him to the emperor. At this time
news arrived that his son had been executed. In revenge for
this, he freed Menelik and with honors and an escort sent him to
Ankober. Menelik ceremoniously entered there and was accepted by
the populace as the legal king. The cruelty and injustice of Ato
Bezaby for the time when he governed the region succeeded in
setting the whole population against him. Around Menelik quickly
gathered the former soldiers of his father and grandfather, and
he declared himself negus. Having learned of all this, Ato
Bezaby, who has at that time at the borders of Shoa, hastened to
Ankober with his whole army, but the day before the battle all
the soldiers went over to the side of Menelik. Bezaby was taken
prisoner and the negus, having forced him to pay a fine of 2000
talers for "disrespect to the legal king," pardoned him.
Regarding this episode, I heard the following story, that on the
day of battle not accompanied by anyone, Menelik set out for the
enemy side; and that with a speech, in which he declared himself
the legal king and gave himself into their hands, he drew them
all to his side. Later Bezaby again rebelled and paid for it by
dying. In 1868 Magdala fell and King Tewodros killed himself.
After a short interregnum the Tigrean
Dajazmatch Kassa ascended the throne and was crowned in 1872
under the name of Yohannes IV. Negus Menelik at first did not
recognize him and in the year of his accession to the throne
wrote a letter to the English resident in Aden, explaining his
legal right to the imperial throne. In 1881 Emperor Yohannes,
pursuing, as had Tewodros, the idea of uniting and restoring the
empire, went against Menelik. The matter did not reach a battle,
since Menelik, having secured beforehand the consent of
Yohannes, went to him at his camp with an expression of
submissiveness -- a stone around his neck. Yohannes pardoned him
and confirmed him in kingly dignity.
The personality of Emperor Yohannes was in
the highest degree remarkable. He was a Christian fanatic and
made up his mind not to have any Moslems among his subjects. He
forcibly converted them to Christianity. Just as Tewodros, he
dreamed of the restoration of the greatness of the Ethiopian
empire. He intended for the empire to consist of four kingdoms:
Tigre, Gojjam, Wollo, and Shoa. In each kingdom he intended to
have a separate bishop and to this end he sent for four abunas
from Alexandria, paying 10,000 talers for each. In 1881 he, with
this aim, crowned as the Gojjam negus Ras Adalya, who took the
name of Negus Tekla Haymanot. But the great plans of Emperor
Yohannes were not destined to come true. In 1889 he was
accidentally killed at the siege of Metamma.
At that time Menelik, supported by Italy, had
put together a conspiracy with Negus Tekla Haymanot against
Yohannes. Relations of Menelik with Europe began from the very
first year of his rise to the throne of Shoa. When Italy took
Assaba there started up the most lively relations between him
and Italy.
Having aroused his ambitious intentions,
Italy thought to raise Menelik against Yohannes and having
divided them to conquer them, separately, following the
principle of "divide et impera" [divide and conquer.]
The Red Sea coast belonged to Ethiopia up
until the seventeenth century. But with the loss of a large part
of its lands at the time of the Galla invasion it also lost the
coastal region. In 1557 Massawa was taken by the Turks where
gave it to the Egyptians in 1866. In 1869 the Italian steamship
company Rubatino bought from the Adal Sultan of Rakheyta,
Beregan, the port of Assaba with adjacent territory up to
Rakheyta, and in 1879 gave all this to the Italian government.
From this time there were engendered in Italy
interests in Eastern Africa, and Italy used every chance to
expand its possessions. In 1881 a convention was concluded with
Beregan, the Sultan of Rakheyta, concerning the mission of the
Italian protectorate (perhaps this convention was just as hollow
as the Treaty of Wichale). On March 15, 1883, a treaty was
concluded with the Aussa Sultan about free transport of goods
through his possessions. On May 22 1883 a commercial treaty was
concluded with Menelik, negus of Shoa. In 1885, the Egyptians
abandoned Massawa and their possessions on the eastern shore,
and Massawa was slowly taken by Italy. The new possessions
received the name of the Eritrean Colony, and with this was laid
the beginning of the struggle between Italy and Abyssinia which
so tragically ended for Italy last year.
Italy was extremely interested in these new
acquisitions. Diplomatic ties were begun with Ethiopia. A whole
series of travelers set out to study the country, and many of
them paid for it with their lives. (Jullietti was killed in
1881, Bianchi was killed in 1884, Count Porro, Chiarini)(97).
Ambitious plans were engendered in Italy.
In 1887 the first catastrophe happened.
Considering the seizure of the territory adjacent to Massawa an
encroachment on his rights, Emperor Yohannes sent his best
military leader, Ras Alulu, who at Dogali destroyed an entire
Italian detachment of 500 men. This led to the equipping that
same year of an entire expedition which without opposition took
Saati in 1888.
An Italian diplomat, Count Antonelli,
energetically worked at this time to sow discord and civil war
in the country. He incited Menelik against Yohannes, promised
him support and supplied him with arms. He also tried to incite
the Gojjam Negus to revolt. In 1888 the Sultan of Aussa accepted
the protectorate of Italy.
Negus Menelik, who for a long time had felt
his dependence on Emperor Yohannes as a burden, conspired
against him, having agreed to act together with the Gojjam Negus
Tekla Haymanot. Emperor Yohannes, having found out about this,
wrote insulting letters to both of them with the threat of
punishing them. But his position was difficult. Enemies
surrounded him from all sides. Having left the Italians,
Yohannes went against the Gojjam King and forced him to submit
again. Having finished with him, Yohannes wanted to deal the
same with his second opponent, Menelik, but at this time in the
west dervishes swept into Galabat, and Yohannes, putting off the
punishment of Menelik for another time, proceeded against them,
where he was killed at the siege of Metamma on March 11, 1889.
When he received news of the death of
Yohannes, Menelik immediately went to Gondar where he was
crowned emperor. Between him and Negus Tekla Haymanot, who also
had a claim on the imperial throne, civil war broke out, which
ended in the complete victory of Menelik, who took from his
opponent almost all the land to the south of the Abbay River and
left him only his native possessions.
Ras Zaudi was appointed Ras Bituaded in
Begamedyr, but he soon conspired against Menelik. At first, it
seemed that everything favored Zaudi, but at the decisive moment
the troops went over to the side of their legal king. Zaudi was
captured, put in chains and to this day still lives on one of
the mountains in Ankober.
The government of Menelik is distinguished
for its justice, restraint, lawfulness and concern for the
people and the army.
The war cry of his soldiers: Aba Danya --
"father judge" (the name of his horse) -- serves as his best
character reference.
As for the soldiers, he did not grudge them
money nor food and tirelessly tried to obtain as many more guns
as he could. His popularity was very high, and the number of his
troops grew. He divided them into regiments of 1000 men each,
and gave them to rulers in the outlying districts, to ensure
against rebellion by those rulers. His reign was marked by
continuous wars against the Gallas and constant expansion of
territory. He had some outstanding military leaders: Ras Gobana,
Fitaurari Gabayu and several others. Ras Gobana is now a
legendary personality in Abyssinia. He was a Galla, a remarkable
cavalryman, an outstanding athlete and courageous man. He
conquered for Menelik all the Galla lands to the west from
Entotto to Beni-Shangul and to the southwest to the River Baro;
and to the east and south together with the Emperor he conquered
Harar, Arussi and Guragye. He died in 1890 as a result of an
accidental fall from his horse during a game of guks.
Arussi was conquered in 1886. In 1887 in a
battle at Chialanko, Emir Abdulakhi was defeated; and the
annexation of Harar was a result of his defeat. In 1892 Walamo
was subdued. In 1896 Menelik covered himself with glory at Adwa
and showed Europe that such is the present-day Ethiopia and such
is her power.
But we will turn to a continuation of the
history of the relations of Menelik with Italy. Making use of
the troubled times, of the change of regimes, the Italians tried
to seize as much land as they could, and succeeded in doing so.
In the year that Menelik ascended the imperial throne, they
concluded with him the Treaty of Wichale. That is so well known
that I won't say anything further about it(98).
The friendship of Italy, which at first was
advantageous for Menelik, now became a burden for him, thanks to
the claims and seizures of the Italians. Relations quickly
changed for the worse and ended in an open break and war. At
this time another power, interested in the failure and weakening
of Italy -- France -- appeared to help Menelik. France owned the
coast of the Red Sea which was closest to Shoa and Harar. In
1862, Frenchmen bought Oboka. In 1884, it established a
protectorate over the Somali coast of the Gulf of Tajura from
Ras-Dumeyra (to the south of Rakheyta) to the the well of Hadu
(to the south from Djibouti). In 1888 the spheres of influence
were demarcated between France and England. In 1886 the
governorship of Oboka and the Somali coast was established, and
from that time France had active official relations with
Abyssinia, vigilantly and jealously following its politics.
The help of France to Menelik at the time of
his struggle with Italy consisted of delivery of firearms. We
know how this struggle ended. We are familiar with its details.
And the war that followed is fresh in our memory.
From this short outline we see that the
history of Ethiopia is one of continual war with both internal
and external enemies.
The basis of imperial power can only be
actual military strength, and on the army as on a foundation,
has been built all the rest of the edifice of the Ethiopian
Empire. What kind of an army is this?
Almost all those who have traveled in
Abyssinia and written about it have given information about the
military. They described the hierarchy, the numbers, the tactics
and other details. Many have admired its bravery. But isn't it
strange that none of them has touched upon the most important
feature of this army? Why is it that one person has a large army
and another a small one? Perhaps because one has greater means
and land? No, that is only partly true. Most important here is
the soldiers and how to pay them and how to rouse them.
The Abyssinian army is the Abyssinian people
with its distinctive characteristics -- independence and a
critical attitude to everything. The military is more developed
than the rest of the population, extremely sensitive and rather
spontaneous. The soldier goes to serve whoever suits him best,
whoever is popular for his generosity, good fortune and
personality. For example, Menelik now has 60,000 of his own
soldiers and Tekla Haymanot has 5,000 in all; and formerly these
numbers were the reverse.
The Abyssinian army -- this spontaneous army,
seems to us, Europeans, disorganized. But in the apparent
disorganization are contained historically developed traditions,
internal discipline, and a manner of conducting war. Its
relation to the European manner of conducting war can be
compared to the relation of a trained horse to one which has not
yet been broken. Anyone who is somewhat acquainted with the
rules of riding can ride a trained horse. But only a good
horseman can ride one which has not been broken. The Abyssinian
army requires outstanding military leaders and, in actuality,
has an excellent cadre of officers. But let's look into it in
more detail.
The Abyssinian army consists of the following
types of troops:
1) The personal regular troops of the
emperor.
2) Private regular troops of individual
military leaders.
3) Territorial troops assembled only in case
of mobilization.
4) Irregulars.
The personal regular troops of the emperor
or, as they are called, gondari constitute the main body of the
army and the main support of the throne. There are about 60,000
of them, part divided in regiments of 1,000 men under the
leadership of bashi, and each regiment divided into companies
(units of a hundred) and half companies. Companies are under the
leadership of a yamato alaka.
Half companies are under a yaamsa alaka. The
leader of a half company appoints a sergeant major to help him.
In addition, a half company is divided into squads of five to
ten men.
The field army is divided into two parts. One
half is found near the emperor, and the other half at the
borders and with separate rulers with the aim, first, of
increasing their military strength against internal and external
enemies, and second, in order to hold them well in hand.
Private regular troops of individual military
leaders consist of soldiers personally recruited by them, armed
and paid by them, and serving them personally. These troops are
not broken into regiments like the personal troops of the
emperor.
They are distributed among officers of this
or that military leader, each of whom has the right to recruit
his own soldiers as well, in addition to soldiers given to them
by their senior leader. The number of troops of individual
leaders is not determined by law for each separately, but rather
depends on the wealth, the popularity of the leader, and the
size of the region that provides the means for maintaining the
troops. At the present time, the largest of these is that of Ras
Darga, with up to 30,000 men. In total, there are about 90,000
of this kind of troops.
Territorial and auxiliary troops consist of
owners of plots of land, which are connected with the obligation
of service in time of war. There are lands which supply porters
and others which supply warriors. The number of men supplied by
each plot of land depends on its size. These auxiliary troops
are not organized in separate detachments; but rather are
distributed in units that already exist. Their total number is
between 80,000 and 100,000 men.
Irregular troops consist of inhabitants who
voluntarily join the army. Most of them are Galla. Their number
is indeterminate and depends on the circumstances and the
expedition which is being undertaken.
As we already saw, only part of the regular
troops of the emperor are distributed in thousand-man regiments.
The rest of them are unequally distributed among military
leaders.
The military hierarchy is extremely involved
and cannot in any way be reduced to a table of ranks. In
concept, the gradation of ranks seems to be in the following
steps:
Negus negasti -- the emperor,
commander-in-chief of all armies.
Negus -- king, commander of the army of his
own kingdom.
Ras -- field marshal, independent commander
of the army of his region or of one of the armies of the emperor
or of a negus.
Dajazmatch -- full general or lieutenant
general, commander either of his own army or of a detachment of
the emperor, of a negus or of a ras.
Fitaurari -- major general, leader of either
a separate army or one of the detachments of the emperor, a
negus, a ras, or a dajazmatch. Etymologically, fitaurari means
"to plunder forward," in other words, leader of the advance
guard.
Kanyazmatch -- colonel, leader of a
detachment. This word can be translated as "leader of the right
wing," but this is completely untrue. They are just as often on
the left wing as on the right. Zmatch means "nobleman" and kan
means "right." In other words, "nobleman of the right."
Formerly, in ceremonial processions, they stood to the right of
the throne, just as the likaunts and azzajs were of the right
and left sides. Dajazmatch means "noble of the doors." They
stood in front of the throne and even farther in front of them
stood the fitaurari.
Gerazmatch -- lieutenant colonel, noble of
the left, leader of a detachment of the emperor, a ras, a
dajazmatch, or afitaurari.
Balambaras -- commandant. Literally
translated "leader where there is a fort"; corresponds to
captain.
Yamato alaka -- leader of a company, captain,
junior captain.
Yaamsa alaka -- leader of a half company,
lieutenant.
In the thousand-man regiments of the emperor,
their commanders -- bashi -- correspond to kanyazmatches or
colonels. These are military ranks , but in addition, each
civilian and court occupation is connected with command over its
own soldiers, the number of which sometimes exceeds 1,000 men.
Afa negus -- "mouth of the negus," the chief
justice, general procurator.
Azzaj -- court marshals or those who govern
estates.
Bajeronds -- also court posts of paymasters
or heads of workshops. Of all of these we must note the
likamakos -- the post of adjutant general. They constantly must
be near the emperor and have great influence. Formerly, they had
the responsibility of dressing in the clothes of the emperor in
time of war. They have their own soldiers and are comparable in
importance to a dajazmatch -- commander of a detachment.
This hierarchical sequence exists only in
concept. In reality, there is no such sequence. There are
fitaurari who are much more important than dajazmatches. And the
correlation of fitaurari, kanyazmatches, gerazmatches, and
balambarases is impossible to establish, even in comparison with
civilian ranks. For example, an azzaj of the emperor is more
important than any dajazmatch, and a balambaras of the emperor
is more important than a kanyazmatch of anyone else, and near
the emperor there are gerazmatches who are more important than
fitauraris.
As I already said before, the national
character does not permit any abstract limits and regulations.
They always consider the actual situation, and if a gerazmatch
is stronger and more influential than a ras then he makes use of
his great importance.
Promotion in the ranks is not based on
gradual succession but rather depends solely on the will of the
person doing the promoting. A private can, on the spot, be made
a ras.
Once someone has a certain rank, he cannot be
demoted. He might be removed from a post and suffer any criminal
punishment, but the title stays with him forever.
Independent commanders of regions -- neguses,
rases, some dajazmatches, and fitaurari -- have the right to
promote in the ranks. In this regard, each of these has the
right of promoting to all ranks up to the one that comes just
before his own. In other words, a dajazmatch can promote up to
fitaurari, and a fitaurari up to Kanyazmatch.
These leaders have nagarits -- kettledrums --
as signs of independence and power. These nagarits can be
bestowed only by the emperor, a negus, or a ras. The number of
nagarits that the various rulers have differs greatly and
depends largely on the size of the region. The emperor has more
than 40 of them. The prerogatives of power connected with the
possession of nagarits include: the right of commanding one's
own army, independent government of a region in all its
relations, the right of criminal punishments up to and including
cutting off of hands, and the right of promoting in the ranks,
as noted above.
The troops are distributed in the area of the
Ethiopian empire in the following way:
On the northern borders in Tigre, the Rases
Mengesha, Wali and Wagshum Wangul -- in total about 10,000.
In Central Abyssinia, Ras Mengesha Bituaded
-- 15,000.
In the northwest and west, in Gojjam, Negus
Tekla Haymanot -- 5,000.
In the northwest and west, Ras Mikael in
Wollo -- 4,000.
In the present-day political center of
Abyssinia, in Shoa -- 30,000.
In the west and southwest in Harar and Ogaden
-- 18,000.
In the south in Arussi and the far southern
borders, Ras Dargi, Ras Wolda Giyorgis -- 40,000.
In the near western Galla lands -- Dajazmatch
Demissew, Dajazmatch Balachio, Fitaurari Abto Giyorgis --
17,000.
On the far southwestern border -- Dajazmatch
Tesemma -- 8,000.
On the far western border, the autonomous
Galla states -- Wollaga of Dajazmatch Joti and Leka of
Dajazmatch Gebra Egziabeer -- 4,000.
Thus we see that the main body is grouped
around the capital of the emperor. A large mass is in the former
political center of the empire for protection from internal
disorders. The northern, northwestern and northeastern borders
are occupied comparatively weakly, and the southern,
southwestern and southeastern borders are strongest of all since
in these directions the empire is expanding its conquests, from
year to year getting all the larger.
In peacetime, not all the soldiers of the
regular army are under arms, but only the necessary part of
them. The rest take leave and live on their plots of land.
The recruiting of regular troops is based on
the principle of free individual will and personal choice.
Troops are recruited voluntarily and they join the service for
an undetermined period of time. A soldier serves only as long as
he wants. The age of the recruit at the time of joining has no
significance. They take men who have attained some degree of
manhood, but also who are not yet decrepit. The induction itself
takes place in the following manner: the person who has joined
receives a gun (this is not obligatory) and presents a guarantor
-- tayaja -- who is responsible for him in case of flight or
loss of the gun. The newly recruited solider is assigned to one
of the commanders and from that moment his real service begins.
The territorial troops are recruited from
those who wish to work plots of land which are connected with
obligations.
Ownership of such plots of land for the most
part passes from father to son.
Irregular troops are formed from volunteers
at the moment of declaration of war.
The Abyssinian field troops consist of one
kind of arms -- infantry. The cavalry is almost all irregular
and does not consist of separate tactical units. The emperor
himself has artillery and several of his military leaders have
some cannon, but that's the exception.
Infantry (neftenya) is armed mainly with guns
of all sorts of systems. There are Veterli, Gra, Winchester, and
Remington; and the newest systems are also seen. Each soldier
has a cartridge belt with 35-40 cartridges. The total number of
guns in the empire together with those taken in the last war
amounts to 125,000. This quantity suffices for the majority of
regular troops of the emperor and private commanders. Those who
do not have guns are armed with spears.
The sidearms of the infantryman are a saber
in the form of a curved, double-edged yataghan or a large
straight sword. In recent times, a saber of European manufacture
is in greater use.
The defensive weaponry of the Abyssinian is a
shield made of the hide of buffalo, hippopotamus, or ox. From
the development of battle with firearms, shields fell into
disuse in the infantry.
The clothing of soldiers does not in any way
differ from that of other citizens. Only when he goes into
battle, he winds his shamma around his waist or leaves it in
camp and puts on his shoulders a lemd -- the hide of a ram, of
some wild animal, or velvety clothing made to look like hide.
The purpose of this clothing is to protect the body from thorns.
Commanders dress especially splendidly -- their horses in rich
silver gear, sabers trimmed with gold; they wear lion or velvety
lemds trimmed with gold decorations, and on their heads they
distinguish themselves with lion manes.
The troops do not wear footgear. Only when
they go down into low-lying, sandy plains do they wear a kind of
sandal.
Each soldier receives either a plot of land
or a ration in the form of meal, mead, and meat. In Galla lands,
together with a plot of land, they are given some gabars --
serfs. The monetary allowance is several talers a year for
clothing and gifts in the form of a mule, a horse or a donkey.
In general, besides rations, each soldier costs not less than
5-7 talers a year. I personally as a witness as saw distributed
50,000 talers sent by Menelik to be given out to men of Gondar
who were under the command of Dajazmatch Demissew. They received
the gifts variously and not all got them. Some received 12
talers for a mule, some 8 for a horse, and some 4 for a donkey.
It appears that the commander is responsible
for entertaining his soldiers. The emperor gives banquets twice
a week (Thursdays and Sundays) for his personal guard and all
commanders who are in the capital. On important holidays he
feeds all available soldiers, and the other commanders do
likewise at their own homes.
Having given a soldier a gun and cartridges
and having satisfied him with a ration or land and salary, the
commander lets the soldier himself take care of his own
equipment. This equipment is extremely diverse and depends on
the prosperity of each individual soldier.
Territorial and auxiliary troops are armed
with spears, sabers, and shields. Their clothing is the same for
all. They don't receive any allowance.
Mounted troops consist of cavalrymen who
voluntarily follow the army. They are irregular and are not
divided into tactical units. In addition, all commanders fight
on horseback and commanders of the field armies have horses. The
cavalryman -- farasenya -- is armed with several light spears, a
saber and a shield. The horses are of the local breed (see
above). The saddles are small, light, with front and back
arches, stirrups in the form of small rings, letting through
only one large toe. The bit is a mouthpiece with a ring instead
of a chain, extremely severe. Riding is all based on balance.
All the managing of the horse is by the outward reins and by the
legs. The clothing of cavalrymen does not differ from that of
others. They do not receive any allowance.
The artillery of the emperor consists of 101
guns -- 32 that they had before and 69 taken in the last war.
The recently taken ones include 8 machine guns; the rest are
mountain guns. Of the guns they had before the war, three are
bronze, three machine guns, and the rest are Hotchkiss 37
millimeters. Artillerymen -- medfanya -- are selected from the
best men, and are primarily from the coast. The main command
over the emperor's artillery is entrusted to Likamakos Abata, a
favorite of the negus. He is assisted by Bajerond Balcha and
Gerazmatch Iosif. There are six men for each gun. They receive
comparatively greater pay than others. Their dress in normal
times is the same as that of the others, but in battle they
dress in red shirts, green wide trousers and green turbans with
red.
In addition to the emperor, the following
individuals have artillery: Ras Makonnen has four Krupp guns
that were taken from Sultan Abdulakhi; Ras Dargi has three guns;
and Ras Mengesha Bituaded has six guns from before the war and
two newly taken ones, Dajazmatch Wangul has one gun; Azzaj Wolda
Tadik and Dajazmatch Demissew each have one, and Negus Tekla
Haymanot has three.
The mobilization of the Abyssinian army takes
place very quickly, which is especially remarkable considering
that the bad roads and the fact that in peacetime most of the
army is dispersed at their homes. General mobilization or the
private mobilization of separate military leaders is announced
with beating of kettle drums -- nagarits -- in squares and
marketplaces and at the courts of commanders of provinces. The
mustering point is designated and how much provisions each
should bring with him, and that's all that's necessary for
mobilization. The army assembles itself at the designated place
with striking speed. I was present at one such mobilization in
the lands of Dajazmatch Demissew. No sooner did they beat the
nagarits than separate caravans of soldiers stetched out in an
endless line on all roads.
Each soldier went by himself to the mustering
point.
The entire Abyssinian army can be mobilized
and concentrated in one and a half to two months.
Abyssinian soldiers, setting out on a march
must supply their own clothing. For the most part, they take
their wives, amd sometimes children and slaves or servants if
they have them. Each soldier goes with his own transport, which
greatly impedes and slows the movement of the army.
On the march, each goes there where he finds
it more convenient for himself. But in bivouac, they settle in
groups, surrounding the tents of their commanders. Near the
enemy, the transport is left behind under escort of the rear
guard -- wobo -- and the troops go in battle order, making use
of several roads, or the commander-in-chief goes by a path and
the rest go in a compact mass forward, right and left,
conforming with the movement of the commander, who is identified
by the parasol held over him.
The supply of provisions during a march
inside their coutnry consists of durgo -- products brought by
local residents on order of the authorities as a gift. In enemy
territory, they supply themselves by pillage and only in
extremity do they resort to their own provisions.
Judging by the recent campaign against the
Italians and wars against Gallas, the Abyssinians, depending on
the enemy, conduct war by two different methods. In the first
case, against Europeans, the Emperor kept his army together, and
conducted guerrilla warfare using local residents and Italian
troops of Ras Sebat who had changed sides. Going to the border
of a hostile tribe, all troops divide into small groups, lay
waste the country, burning houses, taking prisoners and
livestock, and usually assemble in camp at night. The main aim
of war is to take the king or the leader of the tribe, since by
that would end the war and the tribe would be subdued. For this
they set in motion both stratagems and bribery. In case the
enemy troops are concentrated, they also concentrate their
troops. And if the matter turns into a battle, then it takes on
the character of a series of isolated battles.
The tactics of the Abyssinians are the
tactics of outflanking and turning movements. Reserves do not
exist. All troops are brought into battle at once. Since each
man tries to get to the enemy as quickly as possible,
outflanking seems to be a natural consequence of this. Troops in
the rear, seeing before them the whole front occupied, catch up
from the flanks.
The formation is difficult to categorize
under a concept of loose or close order. It is not close since
the separate parts do not know close order, and not loose since
it does not have the form of a chain. In general, it is more or
less a thick crowd of people, adapting itself to the ground.
Management of troops before battle is in the
hands of the main commander. At the time of attack, the parasol
of the commander-in-chief indicates the direction of the attack.
the leading subject.
Each soldier follows his direct leader, who independently, if he
has not received special orders, adapts to the surrounding
circumstances. The attack is usually accompanied by beating of
kettledrums and playing of horns -- malakot -- and flutes --
embilta. Troops engaged in battle go out of the hands of their
commanders.
The infantry strives as quickly as possible
to meet the enemy at the distance of a near rifle shot. Then
they seek cover, adapt to the ground, and open fire. As soon as
the opponent begins to waver, they throw themselves into the
attack with sidearms, and theytirelessly pursue the enemy who
has turned in flight. In case the attack does not succeed or
having learned of the death of their leader, his soldiers leave
the battle and, mourning the leader, carry away his body or run.
In the latter case, running is not considered a disgrace.
Infantry prefers closed and rugged terrain for battle.
A cavalry battle is a battle of isolated
riders who, having picked for themselves a place that is
convenient for racing, in full career ride up to their opponent
and throw spears at him.
In case of confusion in the infantry or of
flight, the cavalry merges with them. A battle of cavalry
against cavalry consists of a whole series of isolated mounted
encounters that occur in one place. The cavalrymen ride up to
the enemy and throw spears at them, then sharply turn back and
ride away. Several cavalrymen rush in pursuit of those who had
attacked, but already new cavalrymen from the other side fly to
the rescue. In this way, the battle continues until some, having
felt the moral and numerical superiority of the opponent, are
forced to run, and then others follow them.
In the Battle of Adwa, artillery was formed
all together as a battery. The emperor was well satisfied with
its activity. It fired frequent shots. By our standards, it
leaves much to be desired. In that battle, it had rather a moral
significance.
Action with sidearms and firearms differs
greatly from ours.
When firing canons, they are not good at
adjusting the gunsight and aiming shrapnel. When firing rifles,
they keep the gunsight at the same setting, changing only for
distance.
With saber, they always cut from the right
down to the left, and saber wounds are less serious than they
would be with skillful chopping. Their ability to wield a spear
is striking, especially the ability of cavalrymen. Cavalrymen
can throw a spear at full gallop for 150-300 paces.
The spirit of the Abyssinian army is
extremely high, and the purpose of each individual soldier is
clear -- to kill his opponent.
They do not have any illusions on this
account and do not consider it necessary to adorn this fact in
any way. The soldier knows that war is murder, and he goes to it
with joy. In addition, war for an Abyssinian is a pleasant
pastime, a source of income, a means to gratify ambition, to
show one's valor and to receive well-known honors.(100)
Murder is raised to a cult. Each man keeps
track of the number of men he has killed in war; and for each
one killed, he has the right to braid his hair and grease it for
a year. On the return of a hero, he is met with songs and
dances; and, accompanied by his friends, he goes to his leader
where with enthusiasm he tells about his victory.
The main psychological difference between
their army and European ones consists in the fact that war as
they understand is more active. The Abyssinian soldier goes to
kill. In the soul of the majority of Europeans, there is rather
a feeling of preparedness for self-sacrifice than a desire to
personally kill an opponent.
The whole spirit of the army is formed with
this in mind. For the weaker to run is not considered a disgrace
but rather good sense. At first, an attack is extremely
energetic; but, once repelled, they rarely return. To the best
of my knowledge, incidents of heroic self-sacrifice by entire
units simply don't appear in the annals of their military
history.
They adore battle and go to it with joy. They
are brave and, although hot-tempered, are quick-witted in battle
and know how to use the terrain and circumstances. Their
youngest leaders and the majority of the soldiers understand the
situation. In addition, this army has great endurance. They
content themselves with a very small quantity of food, and
endure cold, heat, and long marches extremely well. But this
army requires good leaders. The leader who does not enjoy the
faith and respect of his subordinates cannot lead them into
battle. In the opposite case, soldiers can be in the highest
degree devoted to their particular leader, even to the detriment
of the aims of the army as a whole. In battle each soldier
fights not for the overall effort, but for himself and his
direct commander, and he repeats only the war cry of that
commander.(101) There is no patriotic pan-Ethiopian concept, but
there is the concept of "ashker" -- the servant of someone or
other.
As regards discipline and subordination, they
have the one and the other, but in a unique way that is not
similar to ours. They have a constant, conscientious and
critical relationship to everyone, and they do not obey their
commander if he orders them to do something that in their
opinion is not appropriate.
Beginning with the most junior and up to the
highest, the commander is the spokesperson of the general will
and rarely is in a position to oppose that will, except perhaps
only if he has such exceptional moral strength as Menelik II.
But as much as the opinion is erroneous that
the Abyssinian army is ideally organized and disciplined, so too
it would be untrue to consider it an undisciplined horde.
Although it is organized on the basis of personal will and
therefore only he who wants to serve serves and serves whom he
wants to serve, this does not affect on the total size of the
army, since militarism is the characteristic of their national
spirit, and only the particular grouping of separate commanders
changes. Although in their army one can note the rudiments of
"praetorianism," in their present form, that does not represent
a danger for the empire.
Although their army seems undisciplined, that
is more than made up for by their quick wits and understanding
of the situation, and one can dare to say that their military
order is that ideal of personal initiative and ability to adapt
to the circumstances for which European armies strive. The lack
of training is made up for by their upbringing and by historical
traditions. Training in the European manner would be for them at
the present time totally out of place, since as the saying goes
"to teach the learned man only corrupts him."
The internal government of the state is
closely connected with the military organization. The whole
country is divided among the main military commanders, with the
exception of lands that belong to the church (about a tenth of
all land) and to the emperor.
Having received the authority to govern some
region, a commander chooses a piece of it for himself,
distributes a piece among his officers and soldiers, and leaves
a piece in the possession of peasants obliged to some auxiliary
service in the army.
A distinction is made between gabar and
gindebelt peasants.
Gabar -- etymologically "tributary" -- means
"serf." For the use of land of the owner or of his officers or
of his soldiers, the serf is obligated to work for him or pay
taxes to him. For this tax, he sows a known quantity of land on
the estate and separates a part of the mead and meat for the
owner. Galla are all considered gabars. In Central Abyssinia
only those who voluntarily agree to it are serfs.
Gindebelts are owners of separate plots of
land, and this ownership has known obligations connected with
it, such as supplying porters for a march.
The leaders who manage gabars are called
melkanya, and those who manage gindebelts are called meslanye.
The general management of both kinds is in the hands of azzajs
of the emperor or of separate rulers. Each minor leader manages
his province in all these relations: collects taxes, looks into
complaints, maintains appropriate administrative order, declares
mobilization, and performs judicial functions. But he is obliged
to give a detailed account to a senior commander regarding
everything that he does. Senior commanders govern lands
distributed to officers on the same basis as the main commander
of the whole region. They are not obliged to pay a tax to him,
but it is accepted practice periodically to give one's commander
products of one's farm or some article obtained in war. Soldiers
hire out their land to gabars in exchange for half the produce.
The lands of the emperor are also distributed
among his officers, soldiers, gabars and gindebelts. The gabars
and gindebelts are under the supervision of azzajs.
Such is the general administrative structure
and distribution of land. In each region there are some
exceptions, but I will not enlarge about that, not having been
able to become more deeply acquainted with it.
The owner in his own home is the absolute
boss within the limits of his competency -- that is the
distinctive trait of the national character. Such is their
government. Each little leader is in the highest degree
independent in all particular questions of government. The home
of each such leader is in miniature the home of a ras or the
emperor. Etiquette is strictly observed. But, although they are
so independent in particular questions, they cannot undertake
anything that can infringe in the slightest on the interests of
a commander. Each of them is responsible for anything that could
lead to damage for a senior commander. This makes them extremely
suspicious and cautious.
There is no organized police in the country,
but each Abyssinian, seeing some illegal act, considers it his
duty to stand up against it in the name of Menelik or of the
ruler of his part of the country. In this case, their great
sense of lawfulness is striking(102).
The exercise of judicial functions rests
partly in the emperor and commanders of regions and districts,
and partly in the people itself.
1) Each leader has the right to judge and
punish his subordinates, and each individual person has the same
right over his servants.
2) Minor civil and criminal cases that end in
fines are judged by whomever is chosen by the litigants.
3) Important civil cases and land disputes
which end in punishment not higher than cutting off of hands are
judged by the main commander of the territory.
4) In the second instance, important cases
are judged by the afa-negus ("mouth of the negus") the chief
judge and general procurator.
5) Cases of murder and repeated robbery and
civil cases in the highest instance and also especially
important cases are judged by the emperor himself.
In all these cases, the trial is public and
open. If the litigants turn to a third party for resolution of
their dispute, this third party judges them "ba Menelik alga"
which means "by the throne of Menelik." This takes place in the
following fashion. The judge and all those present sit on the
ground. The litigants, having wrapped half their shamma around
their waist, and holding the other half in their hands, explain
the case at issue. This is always accompanied with gestures,
mimicry, picturesque poses, exclamations, and swearing(103).
When the case is sufficiently clear and witnesses have been
interrogated, the judge, having asked the advice of those
present, decides the verdict.
The law court of commanders differs from this
only in that it takes place at the court of this commander and,
also, the commander sits on a bed covered with carpets during
the judicial session. The emperor himself goes out to hold
law-court two or three times a week -- most often on Wednesdays
and Fridays from 6 to 10 or 11 o'clock in the morning. At this
law court all the highest secular and church officials --
likaunts -- gather. The emperor sits on his throne in a special
building that is called Saganeyt, near doors which open on the
square. Behind the emperor sits his whole suite. Below on a
platform is the afa-negus (the chief judge), wambers (judges),
and higher clergy (likaunts).
Commanders of the guard and gentlemen in waiting (agafari) stand
in front, keeping order. The case of the litigants is set forth
by one of the judges. They stand in front of the emperor,
surrounded and separated from one another by gentlemen in
waiting; for this occasion, their shoulders must be bare. During
the exposition of the case, judges ask them several questions.
In reaching a decision, in important cases, the emperor consults
with the clergy and his retinue. The afa-negus announces the
verdict. Some criminal punishments are carried out there and
then, such as flogging (punishment with a whip or jiraf). For
the cutting off of hands, the executioners are kettledrummers.
Written law (Fetanegest) and custom (serat)
serve as a guide for criminal and civil cases. Fetanegest was
translated from the Arabic in 1685 during the reign of Emperor
Iyasu I, at the insistence of Empress Sabla Wangel. This book
consists of a collection of articles of the Justinian Codex,
several decrees of the Nicaean Council, and other supplementary
items. It is divided in two parts:
1) 22 chapters about ecclesiastical law; and
2) 51 chapters about state, civil and
criminal law.
In the forty-fourth chapter, it talks about
imperial power. The time of appearance of this book coincides
with the apogee of imperial power.
The first guide in determining criminal
punishments is the principle: an eye for an eye and a tooth for
a tooth.
Crimes and punishments are as follows:
1) State crime -- capital punishment (in very
rare cases); cutting off the right hand and left leg; most
often, putting in chains and life imprisonment.
2) Insulting majesty -- cutting out the
tongue.
3) Murder -- the murderer is given to the
family of the person killed, who kill him in the same manner
that he killed.
4) Robbery -- capital punishment (in this
way, Emperor Menelik eliminated robbery, which formerly was very
widespread).
5) Petty theft -- first conviction: monetary
fine and flogging (with jiraf), up to eight lashes; second
conviction: monetary fine and flogging up to 50 lashes; third
conviction: monetary fine and cutting off of hands; fourth
conviction: capital punishment.
6) Insulting someone by action or word(104)
-- monetary fine.
7) Rape -- monetary fine; obligation to
marry.
8) Fraud -- monetary fine.
9) Accidental manslaughter -- monetary fine
from 50 to 1,000 talers.
10) Non-performance of instruction of the
government -- monetary fine and flogging.
11) Criminal breach of trust -- removal from
job, putting into chains, monetary fine, confiscation of
property.
The imposition of punishments by separate
individuals goes in the following steps:
1) Minor commanders and private individuals
in relationship to their servants have the right to throw
someone into chains for an indeterminate time and to impose 25
lashes by birch rods (kurbach).
2) The commander of a marketplace can impose
monetary fines and flogging with whip (jiraf) up to 8 lashes.
3) The commander of an area -- cutting off
hands, up to 50 lashes (jiraf), and monetary fine.
4) Afa-negus -- cutting off hands, up to 75
lashes (jiraf), and monetary fine.
5) The emperor -- capital punishment, up to
100 lashes (jiraf), monetary fine, and life imprisonment.
Capital punishment is carried out by hanging, or, in case of
murder, it is carried out by relatives in the same manner in
which the murderer killed. When the murderer is sentenced, he is
given over to the relatives, who take him outside town and kill
him. Very often, this task is entrusted to a child.
The cutting off of hands is carried out by
kettledrummers. One of them holds the arm of the criminal at the
elbow. Another, having taken the hand, quickly cuts through the
veins and skin that surround the bone and, with an abrupt
movement, removes the hand.
Flogging is also carried out by
kettledrummers.
Putting someone in chains is the lightest
punishment and corresponds to our disciplinary punishment --
arrest. It is done very often -- sometimes only for a few hours.
It consists of the right and left arms being put into irons or
simply being tied with rope.
Prisons are very rare in Abyssinia and only
state criminals are imprisoned there. An important criminal is
chained with his right arm to the left arm of a free man who
takes care of him until the end of the trial.
The economic condition of the state, in view
of its purely military character, of course, is not great.
Constant wars do not give the rulers time to indulge in cultural
improvements and development of commerce in their regions. They
all, not worrying about tomorrow, sooner exhaust their regions
than enrich them. A large part of the land serves for supplying
the army, for satisfying the needs of the court, part for
support of the clergy, and very little directly brings revenue
to the state treasury.
In general, the annual income of the state
treasury is about 800,000 to 900,000 rubles, which for a
population of 15 to 17 million amounts to 5 or 6 kopecks per
person. These 900,000 rubles are spent as follows: about 300,000
a year goes to pay the army; about 20,000 as gifts to churches;
about 100,000 for weapons; about 80,000 to buy cloth and
materials for making silver articles for gifts; part is set
aside each year; and part, paid in kind, is spent on the court.
The sources of income of the state treasury
(in rubles per year) are as follows:
I. Tribute of Wollaga, Leka, Jimma (Aba
Jefar):
Leka (gold, ivory, and money) 60,000
Wollaga 60,000
Jimma 50,000
II. Customs duties:
of
all goods in Harar and from other regions about 100,000
Income from the personal lands of the emperor
100,000
III. Income from Galla land 200,000
IV. Income from the right of trade and from
marketplaces, collected by nagada-rases (chiefs of merchants)
100,000
V. Gifts paid in kind and income from
remaining regions 200,000
Obviously, both expenses and income are
expressed here are estimates, in extremely rough numbers, since
the Abyssinians themselves do not know what they collect.
At the conclusion of this chapter, I will
describe the family and court of the emperor.
The family of the Emperor consists of his
wife -- Empress Taitu; two daughters -- Shoareg and Zawditu from
his first wife Bafana; his grandson from Woyzaro Shoareg --
Balambaras Ayale; his uncle Ras Dargi; cousins, sons of Ras
Dargi -- Dajazmatch Tesemma, Mul Saged, and Lyja Tasfa; cousins
-- Ras Makonnen and Dajazmatch Haile Maryam.
The Emperor was married in a church ceremony
to Empress Taitu in 1881. She comes from a very good family in
Tigre. Her grandfather was the well-known Ras Wolda Giyorgis.
Before Menelik, she was married three times. Her first husband,
Dajazmatch Wandi, is still alive and has a little land, but he
does not appear at court. Her second husband, Dajazmatch Wolda
Gabriel, was killed by Tewodros who took Taitu for himself. But
she refused to favor him, saying it was because of illness, for
which she was put in chains. On the death of Tewodros, she
married a third time, to Kanyazmatch Zakargacho; and then
married Menelik, with whom she had a church wedding in 1881, at
the age of 30 (she was born in 1851)(105). She has had no
children with Menelik; but from a previous marriage, she has a
daughter who is married to Ras Mengesha. She is very beautiful,
with very light skin. She is short and dresses the same as other
Abyssinian women. She is notable for her intelligence and her
great influence on the Emperor in matters of faith and internal
government.
The Emperor's daughter Shoareg was first
married to Ras Area, son of Atye Yohannes. After the death of
her first husband, she married Ras Mikael, the ruler of Wollo.
During her latest marriage she had a son by Dajazmatch Waju, son
of Ras Gobana.
Her son, Balambaras Ayale, is now ten years
old. He is a very lively, intelligent child, the very image of
Menelik.
Woyzaro Zawditu, married to Dajazmatch Ubye,
is childless. She is short, very light -- a rather good-looking
woman.
Ras Dargi is the third brother of Menelik's
father, Haile Malakot, the son of Sahle Selassie. He was
imprisoned together with Menelik at the court of Tewodros. On
Tewodros' death, he turned to his nephew who met him with great
honor, and to this time he continues to play an important role
at court. The Emperor consults with him about everything, and in
conversation Ras Dargi always addresses Menelik with the
familiar form of "you," rather than the formal "you." (This is
exactly how Menelik treated Ras Gobana, his celebrated military
commander.)
Ras Dargi has three sons -- Dajazmatch
Tesemma, Mul Saged, and Tasfa. They sent Tasfa in 1894 to
Switzerland to be educated on the guarantee of Count Ilg, who
put him in boarding school. But the translator who was with him,
having been bribed by Italians, convinced the boy to go over to
the side of Italy, and he did so. All who know Tasfa are sorry
about this because it is said he was a boy with exceptional
abilities.
Dajazmatch Tesemma, the oldest son of Ras
Dargi, is the grandson of Atye Sahle Selassie. They say that he
is ambitious. They keep him at a distance from the court, and
Dajazmatch Wolda Gabriel constantly keeps an eye on him.
Ras Makonnen is a cousin of the emperor, a
grandson of a sister of Menelik's father. At the present moment
he is the most popular of all the Abyssinian military commanders
-- the richest and the strongest. He is very well liked by the
emperor. All foreign affairs are conducted through him and on
his advice.
This is a man remarkable for his abilities
and intelligence. He is a widower with two sons.
Dajazmatch Haile Maryam, brother of Ras
Makonnen, is the old type of a feudal lord. Alternately with
Dajazmatch Ubye, he stands guard over the emperor and the
capital.
Thus, from this list we see that there are
three possible pretenders to the throne: first Dajazmatch
Tesemma, second Balambaras Ayale, and third Ras Makonnen.
We will be careful not to predetermine what
the future will show, except only what you can almost guarantee
-- namely that there is no way to avoid civil war if Menelik
does not name his successor before his death and prepare the
ground for him. The succession to the throne is the sorest
subject in the present-day Ethiopian empire.
The personality of Emperor Menelik is
probably so well known that I can scarcely add to his character,
and there remains for me only to repeat what others have said --
that this is in the highest degree a bright, genial, cheerful
person. He is one of those historical figures who appear at
intervals of many centuries and who make their own era in
history.
Abyssinians are filled with deep respect and
love for their Emperor. They relate to him prophecies that came
to King Zadyngylyu from Angel Raguil and to Sahle Selassie from
Auriel.
They have besides a whole book of prophecies
that they keep in secret. There are prophecies that they relate
to Russia. In one of the prophecies of Raguil to Atye Zadyngylyu
(he received revelations in his sleep and then wrote them down),
it is said that a king from the north will be with a king of
Ethiopia one in spirit and one in heart. In another prophecy of
Angel Auriel to Sahle Selassie, it is said that a king of the
north and of Jerusalem will meet with a king of Ethiopia in
Mysyr (Egypt) and will conquer Egypt. After this, they will
divide among them all the land.
The government of Menelik is distinguished
for its gentleness, in contrast to the previous reign, and for
its justice and tact.
Menelik's motto is justice and his main rule
is: never stretch strings too hard or you'll break them. All these
qualities have strengthened the throne for him, and his wisdom,
military abilities and military good fortune have expanded the
boundaries of the empire to an extent that his predecessors
never dreamt of.
The court of the emperor and court etiquette
are determined by a special book Kybyra Negest "The Honor of
Kings"(106). That book describes the ceremonial of coronation.
At the present time not all the rules of the Kybyra Negest are
carried out.
In the eighteenth century, judging by the
accounts of d'Abaddie and other travelers, at the court of the
emperor there was a council of four likaunts (clergy chosen from
several ancient families) and four azzajs. This council shared
with the emperor the functions of justice and government and
could, in some cases, exercise a veto. I did not find such an
institution today. At this time, they do call the highest clergy
likaunts, and they are present during trials; but there are not
four of them -- rather there is an undetermined number -- and
they are not specially chosen. There are five azzajs at the
emperor's court, but they are exclusively for economic
necessities, and do not wear turbans, like clergy.
Let's add the following list of court ranks:
Likamakos -- adjutant general, a title which
is held by two people: Abata (commander of the artillery) and
Adenau. Abata is a young, talented man, who distinguished
himself at Adwa, a favorite of the Emperor and Empress, but not
liked by the rest of the court. Adenau did not act with valor at
Adwa and therefore is in disfavor.
Bajeronds are chiefs of separate divisions of
the economic management. There are three of them: Bajerond
Balcha is a favorite of the Emperor, a hero of the recent war,
wounded at Adwa. He guards the treasury and the jewels and is an
assistant of Likamakos Abata in the management of the artillery.
Bajerond Katama is the commander of the
imperial guard. He is also responsible for distribution of all
letters and decrees of the Emperor throughout the empire.
Bajerond Wolda Giyorgis manages the gold and silver smiths of
the Emperor.
Azzajs manage the personal lands of the
Emperor and parts of the court household.
Azzaj Wolda Tadik escaped from Tewodros. He
is a favorite of the Emperor and manages Ankober.
Azzaj Bezaby manages Menjar and part of the
court household.
Azzaj Gyzau manages Meta and all the food
supply parts of the court of the Emperor (to him also is
entrusted the care of distinguished foreigners).
Ato Vadaju is the assistant of Azzaj Gyzau.
Azzaj Aba Tekhsas manages the court of the
Empress. (He is noted for great personal bravery. At Adwa he
carried the imperial parasol.)
There are several agafari, "those who bring
in" or gentlemen in waiting.
Ya elfin askalakay Ishaka Ibsa is "he who
forbids entrance to the inner chambers." He commands all the
court guards and stays near the Emperor all day. He manages
admittance to the emperor.
Ishaka Ibsa is still a young man, raised from
childhood by the Emperor.
Agafari Wolda Gabriel manages the official
audiences of the Emperor.
In addition to these main ones, there are
still some more agafaris, and one separate agafari for the court
of the Empress.
Walderas is the chief of the stables.
Asalafi is the gentleman carver and high cup
bearer. During dinner he cuts the Emperor's food in pieces and
gives it to him.
Elfin ashkers are servants of the inner
chambers, in the sense of gentlemen-in-waiting. There are many
of them. Most of them are children of former chief officers of
the army. There are several relatives of former emperors. From
childhood they are raised at court as pages, and then become
elfin ashkers. Their responsibility is to escort the emperor.
Those among them who distinguish themselves and demonstrate
their abilities are chosen for higher posts.
In addition to these people, there are
managers of separate parts of the court household: managers of
cooks, of bakers, of makers of beer and mead, and of smiths.
At court there are two translators:
Gerazmatch Iosif, a favorite of the emperor, who accompanied Ras
Makonnen during his journey to Italy. This very intelligent man
has influence in foreign affairs.
Ato Gabriel translates clippings from French
and Egyptian newspapers and manages foreign mail.
The Emperor's priest is Ychygye Gebra
Selassie.
The chief secretary of the Emperor, who
manages all the emperor's correspondence on all matters is Alaka
Gebra Selassie. The abilities and memory of this man are truly
enormous. He works like no one else. His office consists of
several copyists. He conducts all the internal correspondence,
and he must remember everything. There are no incoming or
outgoing journals. Correspondence with all the provinces is
enormous, and he must really be notable for outstanding
capabilities in order to be in condition to look into all these
matters and not confuse them.
Protection in the capital is entrusted, in
turn, to the troops of Dajazmatch Haile Maryam and those of
Dajazmatch Ubye.
There are several Europeans at court: Count
Ilg serves as Minister of Public Works and Chief Advisor on
Foreign Affairs. His position has now become official since he
received in March, together with Mr. Mondon, the rank of state
councilor -- mangyst mekerenya. (Mondon is the official
representative of the French government. Another person from the
French government, Mr. Clochette(107), a former captain of the
French naval artillery, is their secret military agent.)
Mr. Dyuba manages the suburban forest of
Mangasha. He is a French deserter, a former lieutenant of a
cuirassier regiment. He deserted in 1870.
Tigran, an Armenian goldsmith, is very well
liked by the Emperor and Empress. An Armenian is gardener. A
Greek is baker.
The Emperor's day begins at dawn. At 6
o'clock in the morning he takes the daily report of his
secretary Alaka Gebra Selassie. In good weather, this takes
place on the terrace in front of the court, and no stranger can
be present during it.
Having finished with the report, the Emperor
goes to look at construction that is under way and work in the
court or rides to the quarry, to the forest, etc. He always
takes advantage of such occasions to utilize the soldiers who
accompany him. For example, if he rides past a quarry, then he
gets down off his mule and takes a stone, and all those
traveling with him must do likewise.
On such excursions, he usually rides on a
luxuriously adorned mule, dressed just like all the others
except that there is a large felt hat with gold lace on its head
. They carry a red parasol over the Emperor. In front they lead
two of his horses in case His Majesty wants to play guks, which
happens very frequently. (The Emperor is an excellent
cavalryman). Supper is served at eleven o'clock on meat days and
at two or three o'clock on fast days. With the exception of
Thursdays, Sundays and high holidays, the Emperor dines in the
elfin (inner chambers) with the Empress. Only the very closest
associates are allowed there, as, for example, Ras Dargi, Ras
Makonnen, and some other balamuals. (People who have permission
to enter the inner chambers without previous announcement are
called balamuals).
Dinner takes a long time and consists of
dishes that are generally accepted in Abyssinia. After dinner,
the Emperor rests for an hour or two and then again he either
receives or takes care of business or visits workshops. At six
o'clock in the evening, the suite dissolves to their own houses.
At seven o'clock, supper is served in the inner chambers. Only
some of the very closest elfin ashkers and Ishaka Ibsa are
present there. At nine o'clock, the Emperor goes to bed. On
Wednesdays and Fridays, the Emperor goes out personally to hold
court.
On Thursdays, Sundays and on high holidays,
there is a gybyr -- a meal for all officers, soldiers of the
guard, and, on high holidays, for the whole populace. One is
notified about dinner by the beating of kettledrums. Dinner is
held either in large tents or in a separate building called
Aderash. First, the Emperor himself eats, separated from others
by a red silk curtain. Inside, behind the curtain, only
balamuals are allowed. Our mission also had this honor. After
the Emperor has finished his meal, the curtain is opened and
others are admitted. Trumpeters and flutists go in front. After
them, goes a dense crowd. Not bowing to the Emperor, but only
wrapping themselves in their shammas in accord with etiquette,
they take seats around baskets with injera. Over each basket, a
servant holds a large piece of raw fresh-killed meat. Other
servants pass out large horn goblets of tej to those who are
dining. Having sated themselves, the dinner guests, without
saying anything and not bowing to anyone, leave just as they had
come. During dinner, the trumpeters play malakots and the
flutists play embiltas. During breaks, they drink and azmari
[itinerant musicians] play violins. Dinner lasts several hours;
and on high holidays it lasts from nine o'clock in the morning
until four o'clock in the afternoon.
Twelve times a year, during the monthly
Mother of God holidays, there are dinners of the Society of Mary
(Makhaber Zamariem). This Society consists of the Emperor and
eleven of his closes balamuals. On these days, the Emperor eats
on the floor from one basket with the rest of the members of the
Society. When a member is absent, in his place they seat another
person chosen by the Emperor. Each member in order treats the
others to dinner. (The main members of this Society are Ras
Dargi, Ras Makonnen, Afa-negus Nasibu, Ras Wolda Giyorgis, Ras
Mengesha Bituaded, Dajazmatch Ubye, Dajazmatch Tesemma,
Dajazmatch Haile Maryam, Likamakos Abata, and Alaka Gebra
Selassie.)
Ceremonial receptions take place in a
separate building called Adebabay. This is a pavilion made of
carved wood. The platform ends in railings to which is attached,
from inside, an alga (bed) which signifies the throne of the
Emperor. From the platform downwards goes a wide staircase, and
under the throne a second platform, where stands the person who
is being received in audience. During the reception, everything
is covered with carpets. The Emperor is surrounded by his whole
suite. The Emperor received the Red Cross Mission in Aderash,
which was specially outfitted for this occasion. Appointments to
posts and ceremonial receptions of those who have killed
elephants and lions take place in Saganeyt, the same place as
the law court.
On the appointment of someone to a post and
the granting to him of a region, they announce this by beating
on kettledrums, and an auaj or herald proclaims the new
appointment. The newly appointed person bows down to the ground
before the Emperor; and then, accompanied by all his friends and
servants, goes home with songs, dances, and firing of guns, and
gives at home a feast for all who come, which lasts several
days. Such ovations and feasts also take place in case of
someone having killed an elephant or a lion.
The Emperor very zealously fulfills his
duties as a Christian. He strictly observes fasts and during the
great fast on Wednesdays and Fridays does not eat until sunset
and sometimes spends the night in church on the floor. Each
holiday he attends mass. He also makes large donations to
churches.
The Ethiopian church is under the authority
of the Alexandrian patriarch. Abyssinians consider themselves
attached to the Alexandrian church by decree of the Nicaean
Council, at which it was also decided that they should receive
bishops from Alexandria. Thanks to this dependence on the
Alexandrian church, the Ethiopian church did not send
representatives to the ecumenical councils and separated itself,
together with the Alexandrian church, from the rest of the
church after the censure of the monophysite doctrine of the
Alexandrian patriarch Aba Dioskuros by Pope Leo at the
Chalcedonian Council.
Like the Alexandrian church, the Abyssinians
consider the Apostle Mark as their enlightener. They acknowledge
only five councils, receive bishops from Alexandria, but in
spite of this outward unity, they differ from the Copts in many
dogmas and in the divine service; and their relationship with
the Alexandrian church and the abunas (bishops) they receive
from there is one of antipathy. The Debra-Libanos religious
belief that now predominates in Abyssinia is closer to Orthodox
diophysitism than to Coptic monophysitism.
According to Latin sources, the Abyssinians
were converted to Christianity by Saint Frumentius. Saint
Frumentius was going to India together with Edeziy and Merope,
but they were lost in a wreck in the Red Sea. Saint Frumentius
found himself at the court of the Ethiopian king. From there he
returned to Jerusalem, then he was ordained by the Alexandrian
patriarch as bishop of Ethiopia; and, returning to Ethiopia, he
baptized King Abrekh-Atsebakh and the whole nation. The
Abyssinians named him Aba Salama.
There are several versions of this story in
Abyssinian sources.
In an authentic copy that I have of the
Abyssinian Tarika Negest, it is said, "At the time of the reign
of Abrekh-Atsebakh, the baptism took place when they were in
Aksum.
At this time, there were no Turks. The father
of Aba Salama was a merchant. Aba Salama went there with his
father. At this time, the Ethiopian people in part bowed to the
Law of the Prophets and in part to wild animals (baauri). After
this, Aba Salama taught them about the descent of Jesus Christ
-- the birth, suffering, crucifixion, death, and resurrection.
He performed many miracles before them. They came to believe in
Christian baptism and were baptized. The conversion took place
in 343 A.D. and they built Aksum. (R. Basset, Etudes sur
l'histoire d'Ethiopie, "Chronique ethiopienne," Paris, 1882,
issue No. 30, page 220). In the book Synkysar (a collection of
sacred books, arranged according to the day of the year),
Frumentius (Frementos) and Edeziy (Adzios) are called relatives
of Merope.
One Abyssinian scholar, Alaka Sou Aganyekh,
father superior of the church in the city of Gori, recounted to
me a completely different version of the Aba Salama story, that
has a legendary character. (I cite it since it is very curious.)
In Tigre, there was a good man who got sick and died. They
washed him and wanted to bury him, but by some indications, they
noticed that he wasn't completely dead. They waited three days,
but the situation didn't change. Then, on the advice of a wise
man, they decided that this was an important sign and that one
should not oppose the clearly expressed will of God. For a large
sum of money, they got a blind beggar woman to lie down with the
dead man. After this the dead man quieted down, and after nine
months and five days the blind woman gave birth to a son whom
they called "Fre Mentotos," which means "creation of an unknown
guest." In three years his mother died; and in his seventh year,
merchants brought him into slavery and took him to Egypt. He
spent twelve years there. After this, the man who had taken him
to Egypt died himself and, in dying, set the slave free. Four
years later, after having visited Jerusalem, he returned to
Abyssinia.
At that time, Abrekh-Atsebakh reigned. Having
learned of the arrival of Aba Salama, Abrekh-Atsebakh summoned
him and asked what he had done in Alexandria and Jerusalem. Aba
Salama told about the birth of Christ, the suffering, death, and
resurrection from the dead.
The king having given him much money, sent
him to Jerusalem in order that, after studying theology there,
he could give Abyssinia a new faith. He stayed in Jerusalem for
seven years, and in the eighth year was consecrated as a bishop
by the Alexandrian patriarch and returned to Ethiopia where he
baptized the king and all the people. Aba Salama brought with
him 45 books of the Old Testament -- Billugat -- and 36 books of
the New Testament -- Hadisat -- translated by him to the
Ethiopian language.
After the death of Aba Salama, in 383,
Abyssinia continued to receive its bishops from Alexandria and
was under its influence.
Together with the Alexandrian church it
separated itself from other churches, but this separation took
place imperceptibly for Abyssinians and they were not
responsible for it. The spiritual influence of the Alexandrian
church was strong in Abyssinia. The works of Alexandrian
theologians played a large role in this case. The works of Aba
Dioskuros were translated into the Ethiopian language, and his
fate was explained as an unjust persecution by Pope Leo. In
their eyes, Dioskuros was a martyr since they only knew one side
of the dispute.
After the moderate monophysite teaching of
Dioskuros, there appeared in Abyssinia the more extreme teaching
of Eustaphy. It got most of its followers in western Ethiopia --
Gojjam. Both new teachings penetrated Ethiopia from the west and
north and spread more in those parts. The south preserved its
original apostolic faith, the apologist and the interpreter of
which was the most revered saint in Abyssinia -- Abuna Tekla
Haymanot. I consider it my duty to dwell on him at greater
length.
The time of Tekla Haymanot coincides with the
return of the imperial throne from the dynasty of Zagye to the
dynasty of Solomon. According to Abyssinian sources, he was born
in 1350 and died in 1443. Here is how the life of Saint Tekla
Haymanot is described in Synkysar. The Abyssinian scholar
Dabtara Sou Aganyekh translated Synkysar to the Amharic language
and wrote it down for me.
Abuna Tekla Haymanot came from the tribe of
Levi, descended from Azariya, a Jewish high priest, sent by
Solomon to Abyssinia together with Menelik. The father of Tekla
Haymanot, Tsara-Zaab, was a priest in the vicinity of Tisa in
the province of Bulga, which belongs to Shoa. His mother was
Egzioharaya. Tsara-Zaab and Egzioharaya were married for a long time
and had no children. Then King Matolome (probably not a pagan,
but rather Jewish) arrived from Damot and abducted Egzioharaya.
He liked her and decided to marry her. On the way home, he sent
word to his people about his decision and ordered them to
prepare a marriage feast with 10,000 oxen, 20,000 sheep, lots of
injera, beer, and mead.
Egzioharaya cried day and night, and prayed
to God and on the day of the wedding when she had already put on
her wedding dress, she saw Archangel Michael with sword in hand.
He took her to the church where at this time her husband
Tsara=Zaab was serving dinner. From church they returned home,
and on this day she conceived a son, who was born after nine
months and five days on the 24th of Tekhsas (December 19). They
called him Tekla Haymanot. At the moment of his birth, light
filled the whole house. On the third day, when they anointed the
mother with oil, the whole house was filled with fragrance. When
he was three years old, they sent Tekla Haymanot to church to
study and in four years he was consecrated as a deacon. After
this, he was consecrated as a monk -- "put on monastic belt and
hood" as the Abyssinians say. His spiritual lineage is as
follows. Saint Anthony put on the hood and belt by order of
Archangel Michael. Anthony ordained Aba Markariy, who ordained
Aba Pakhomiy, who ordained Aba Aragaui, also known as Zamikael.
Aba Aragaui ordained Aba Krystos Bezana. Krystos Bezana ordained
Aba Maskal Moa. Aba Maskal Moa ordained Aba Iokhani, who
ordained Iisus Moa, who ordained Abuna Tekla Haymanot.
At first, he was in Haik, then in Debra Damo,
and then he founded the monastery of Debra Libanos, where he
stayed to the end of his life. His story is filled with
descriptions of miracles performed by him. Abyssinians claim
that on his spine there were six wings, thanks to which he flew
four times to Jerusalem. On his return from his third flight (in
four days) to Jerusalem, he resurrected someone who had died
twelve years before. In Damot, he in one day resurrected a
thousand men.
In Haik, he fasted for seven years, standing
in one place without food and drink. In the sixth year, one of
his legs broke and one wing was burnt by a wax candle, but he
put a piece of wood under the leg and continued to stand. In the
seventh year, he saw the Lord in the clouds, and the Lord told
him to ask for whatever he wanted.
Tekla Haymanot asked for three things: first
-- for Ethiopia and all pious people who lived there -- that God
forgive them, for his sake; second -- for the monastery of Debra
Libanos -- that God illuminate the whole place where it stands;
third -- for the kings of Ethiopia from the family of Solomon --
that God bless them and keep the throne in their hands.
In four days at the end of his fast, he flew
again to Jerusalem and, having returned from there to Debra
Libanos, he extracted water from a stone with a cross, and to
this day this spring has healing powers and many of ill people,
both Abyssinians and Gallas, gather there.
From this story it is evident how much the
personality of Abuna Tekla Haymanot is legendary. It is known
for certain that he was in holy orders ychygye -- head of all
monasteries, that he founded the monastery of Debra Libanos, and
that he served as an apologist of the faith in the spirit of
Orthodoxy. His relics to this day are preserved in undecayed
form and are greatly revered.
Thus we see in the Ethiopian church three
successive influences: remnants of the original apostolic faith
(the teaching of Tekla Haymanot), the extreme monophysitism of
Eustaphy, and the moderate monophysitism of Dioskuros. In the
sixteenth century, there appeared in addition the Catholic
influence of Portuguese Jesuits. From that time, disputes of
faith began in the Ethiopian church, which led to bloody wars.
Political questions became associated with
questions of faith, and this or that dogma became the catchword
of this or that party. At one time, Catholicism triumphed, but
not for long. It was superseded by the extreme monophysitism of
the Gojjam Eustaphiants, who believed the human nature in Christ
is special and not material like other men. Eustaphiants were
superseded by followers of the Debra Libanos doctrine, and they
in their turn were replaced by Tigreans who were followers of
Dioskuros, the so-called faith of the knife -- Kara Haymanot.
These last believe that the humanity in Jesus Christ is absorbed
by his divinity.
The disputes in the Ethiopian church have
been remarkably well described, the action of Catholic and
Protestant missionaries has been well characterized, and the
conditions of missionary work in Abyssinia have been recounted
in a book by our well-known professor of the Ecclesiastical
Academy, V. Bolotov, Some Pages from the Church History of
Ethiopia, published in 1888. The only point for which I did not
find confirmation is the belief in three births of Jesus Christ,
which he attributes to the Debra Libanos doctrine, and his
assertion this doctrine differs in this regard from the party of
Kara Haymanot, which recognizes two births.
I have in my hands a Debra Libanos book of
catechism, Emada Mistir, given to me by their ychygye. I spoke
with many Debra Libanos scholars, and they all told me that they
recognize just two births. I suspect that Ethiopians may have
formerly believed in three births, and I think that the
conclusion drawn by Mr. Bolotov from foreign sources, was, it
must be, a mistake of the authors of those other works.
The struggle of the three doctrines ended
with the triumph of the Tigrean doctrine -- Kara Haymanot or
moderate monophysitism. Emperors Tewodros II and Yohannes IV
professed this faith. Coptic bishops also were followers of that
faith. Emperor Yohannes definitively gave this faith the upper
hand. The doctrine of Eustaphy was judged heretical and ceased
to exist any longer. (There are only secret adherents in
Gojjam). The followers of the Debra Libanos doctrine -- all Shoa
-- kept their former faith, so that now this question is in the
following position. Under Yohannes, Menelik attended the council
called by Yohannes to discuss the dogmas and formally joined the
moderate Kara Haymanot monophysitism of the Tigreans. But in his
soul, he continued to believe in
the Debra Libanos doctrine. The Empress Taitu, who is very
interested in questions of faith, since she is of Tigrean,
origin professes Tigrean monophysitism. The abunas, Coptic
bishops, are monophysites.
All monks of the order of Abuna Tekla
Haymanot (which is now the only monastic order in Abyssinia),
all of Shoa, and the ychygye are followers of the Debra Libanos
doctrine, professing if not complete diophysitism, then, in any
case, very moderate monophysitism, which in its dogmas differs
very little from Orthodoxy. Menelik doesn't raise questions of
faith, leaving them open. Since a numerous majority adhere to
Debra Libanos and their clergy grow in strength, I think that
the Debra Libanos doctrine is prevailing. The six demands which
the church makes on a Christian are:
1) to go to mass on Sundays and holidays;
2) to fast on Wednesdays and Fridays for the
duration of four fasts;
3) to confess once a year;
4) once a year, come what may, to receive the
Eucharist;
5) to give alms; and
6) to not hold feasts and weddings at
unauthorized times.
The seven sacraments of the church are:
baptism -- maternek,
anointing -- miron,
receiving the Eucharist -- kurban,
confession -- manazaz,
extreme unction -- kyba kedus,
entering priesthood -- ekakhat shumat, and
marriage -- bakhyg magbat.
The Holy Scripture includes 45 books of the
Old Testament (Biluyat) and 36 books of the New Testament
Hadisat). These 36 books are the following: 4 gospels, 8 synodic
books (decrees of apostolic councils), 14 letters of Apostle
Paul, 3 letters of John, 2 letters of Peter, 1 letter of James,
1 letter of Jude, the Acts of the Apostles, and decrees of two
ecumenical councils.
In addition, books inspired by God include
the essence of the works of John of Damascus [Golden Mouth], of
Vassily [Basil] the Great, of Marisakhak, of Efrem, of Aragaui,
of Manfasaui, and several others.
The collection of all the holy books of the
Ethiopian Church is Synkysar. It looks like a huge calendar with
saints and works of some of the fathers of the church
corresponding to each day.
Each Abyssinian year has the name of one of
the evangelists, in order. The first year after leap year is
Matthew, the second Mark, the Third Luke, and the fourth (leap
year) is John. Their counting of years is eight years behind
ours. Right now for them it is 1889 Matthew. They have 365 days
in a year, except 366 in leap year. The year is divided into 12
months of 30 days each and, in addition, there is a remainder of
5 or 6 days. The year begins on September 1. There are monthly
and annual holidays.
I'll briefly describe their calendar:
September -- Maskarem, 30 days
1st -- Saints John Raguil, Iov, Bartholemew
5th -- Abuna Gebra Hyyauat
6th -- Aba Pataleon
7th -- holiday of the Holy Trinity
10th -- birth of George
11th -- Hanna
12th -- holiday of Archangel Michael
14th -- Stephen
16th -- Kidana Mykhrat
17th -- Maskal (Holy Cross Day)
18th -- Aba Eustatios
19th -- Archangel Gabriel
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
23rd -- holiday of George the Victorious
24th -- holiday of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
25th -- Mercury
27th -- Madhani Alem (holiday of the
salvation of the world)
29th -- Baala Egziabeer (the Lord's holiday)
30th -- John
Tykymt, 30 days
4th -- Abrekh-Atsebakh, king of Aksum (who
had Ethiopia baptized)
5th -- Abo (a highly revered saint)
6th -- Pataleon
7th -- holiday of the Holy Trinity
11th -- Anna, Fasilyadas, Klavdiya [Claudia]
12th -- holiday of Archangel Michael, Matthew
the Evangelist
14th -- Abuna Aragaui
17th -- Stephen
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
22nd -- Luke the Evangelist
23rd -- holiday of George the Victorious
25th -- Abuna Abib
27th -- Madhani Alem (holiday of the
salvation of the world), Aba Tekla Maryam
29th -- Baalye Wald (holiday of the Son)
30th -- John
Hedar, 30 days
1st -- Raguil
6th -- Kissakuan
7th -- holiday of the Holy Trinity
8th -- holiday of cherubim and seraphim
11th -- Anna
12th -- Michael
13th -- legion of angels
15th -- Minas
17th -- Saint Waletta Petros
18th -- Apostle Philip
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
23rd -- holiday of George the Victorious
24th -- heavenly host
25th -- Mercury
26th -- Samaatata Nagyran
27th -- holiday of the salvation of the world
29th -- holiday of the Son
Tekhsas, 30 days
1st -- The prophet Ilya [Elijah]
4th -- Apostle Andrew, Abuna Tekla Alfa
12th -- Archangel Michael, Aba Samuil
[Samuel]
15th -- Aba Eustaphy
19th -- Archangel Gabriel
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
22nd -- Daksios
23rd -- holiday of George the Victorious,
David
24th -- holiday of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
27th -- holiday of the salvation of the world
28th -- Gehenna
29th -- birth of Christ [Christmas]
Tyr, 30 days
3rd -- Libanos
4th -- John the Thunderer
6th -- Galilee
15th -- Kirkos the Younger
18th -- George the Victorious
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
29th -- the Lord's holiday
Ekatit, 30 days
8th -- birth of Simeon
10th -- Jacob [or James] Alfeev
16th -- Kidana Mykhrat
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
29th -- the Lord's holiday
Magabit, 30 days
5th -- Abuna Gebra Manfas Kedus
8th -- Matthias, Haria
10th -- the Lord's cross
12th -- Archangel Michael
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
23rd -- death of George the Victorious
24th -- holiday of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
29th -- the Lord's holiday
30th -- Mark
Miazia, 30 days
7th -- holiday of the Holy Trinity
12th -- Archangel Michael
17th -- Apostle James
19th -- Archangel Gabriel
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
23rd -- death of George the Victorious
24th -- holiday of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
29th -- the Lord's holiday
30th -- Mark
Gynbot, 30 days
1st -- birth of the Mother of God; Yared,
teacher of Ethiopia
5th -- Abo
12th -- Archangel Michael, John of Damascus
[Golden Mouth], death of Abuna Tekla Haymanot
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
23rd, 24th, 25th -- days of the holiday of
the Mother of God
26th -- Apostle Thomas
28th -- Emmanuel
29th -- holiday of the Son
Saniye, 30 days
8th -- holiday of the Mother of God
12th -- Archangel Michael, King Lalibala
20th -- Hyntsata Biyeta
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
23rd -- George the Victorious, Solomon
27th -- salvation of the world
29th -- the Lord's holiday
30th -- John
Hamlye, 30 days
2nd -- Faddey [Thaddeus]
5th -- Peter and Paul
7th -- holiday of the Trinity
8th -- Abuna Kiros, Abo
10th -- Nathaniel
12th -- Michael
17th -- Aba Garema
18th -- Jacob [or James]
19th -- Archangel Gabriel
21st -- holiday of the Mother of God
29th -- the Lord's holiday
Nakhasye, 30 days
1st -- holiday of the Holy Virgin
3rd -- Queen Sophia
10th -- Council of 318 fathers of the church
11th -- Anna
12th -- Michael
13th -- the Lord's Transfiguration
16th -- Felseta (Assumption of the Mother of
God)
17th -- death of George
18th, 19th, 20th, 21st -- holiday of the
Mother of God
23rd -- George
24th -- Abuna Tekla Haymanot
27th -- salvation of the world
28th -- Abraham, Isaac and Jacob
29th -- the Lord's holiday
30th -- John
Pagume, 5 or 6 days
3rd -- Archangel Raphael
The nine annual holidays of the Lord are the
following: baptism [Epiphany], resurrection from the dead
[Easter], Ascension, the descent of the Holy Spirit on the
Apostles [Pentecost], Palm Sunday, birth of Christ [Christmas],
Transfiguration, Feast of the Purification, and Holy Cross Day.
There are 33 holidays of the Mother of God.
Over the year, there are four major fasts
which are comparable to ours in time and duration, except for
Lent, which lasts for eight weeks. They also fast on Christmas
Eve, Epiphany, and the day of the beheading of John the Baptist.
Two weeks before Lent there is a minor fast, which lasts three
days -- Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. In addition, they fast
every Wednesday and Friday.
A fast consists of not eating meat, eggs, or
milk. On usual Fridays and Wednesdays, those who are fasting do
not eat anything until afternoon, and for Lent on Wednesdays and
Fridays they do not eat anything until sunset. Ardently pious
people do not eat anything at all on Fridays and Saturdays.
The Abyssinian church is very rich in holy
traditions. For example, they have preserved the names of the
two thieves crucified on the right and left sides of Christ.
They are named Titos and Koridos. The name of the soldier who
pierced Christ with a spear is Longinos. Anna, the mother of
Mary, was the second wife of Ioakim, who inherited her from his
brother. They consider, as far as I can understand, that James
and John are relatives of Jesus Christ, children of the first
wife of Joseph.
By tradition, the gall which they gave Christ
to eat on the cross was the gall of an elephant.
The Abyssinian Creed is literally the same as
ours. They do not make the sign of the cross during prayer. In
those rare times when I saw them make the sign of the cross,
they did so in the most diverse ways -- courtiers with one
finger raised high, squeezing the rest of the fingers in a fist,
crossed from left to right; clergy who had been in Jerusalem
crossed themselves in the Orthodox manner.
The worship service of the Abyssinians
differs from ours.
Services are as follows: performing of the
seven sacraments, midnight and morning vigils, and prayers. I
did not see all the sacraments performed, and it was very hard
for me to find reliable witnesses about the method of their
performance.
Consecration to ecclesiastical rank is
performed at the end of mass. The abuna (bishop) goes to the
altar. (During this same mass he stands facing the king's gates,
beside the ychygye, to the right of the emperor). There he,
apparently, lays hands on those to be consecrated. I'm afraid I
am mistaken, but it seems that the whole ceremony of performing
the sacrament consists only of this.
The sacrament of marriage consists of those
who are betrothed receiving the Eucharist together. (I also do
not guarantee that this ceremony is limited just to this).
The sacrament of confession consists of
confessing one's sins to a priest.
The sacrament of baptism consists of the
parents of the infant, together with his god-parents, bringing
him -- if he is a boy, on the fortieth day, and if a girl on the
eightieth day -- to the church where he at first is baptized and
anointed and then, after mass, receives the Eucharist. Judging
by what one Abyssinian priest told me, the sacrament of baptism,
is performed in the following manner: when the infant is brought
into the church by his parents and by his godfather and
godmother, the priest, serving together with a deacon,
consecrates the water. Before the consecration, they read the
Creed; letters of Apostle Paul; the Gospels; the 50th, 68th and
123rd Psalms; and then the prayer of the Mother of God. The
water is scented with incense spread with a censer and is
blessed with a cross. Having taken the infant, the priest says,
"I believe in one God the Father. I believe in one God the Son.
I believe in one God the Holy Spirit." Then the deacon, having
taken the infant, bows with him down to earth three times in the
primary directions of the world, saying: "I bow to the Father. I
bow to the Son. I bow to the Holy Spirit." Then they pour water
on the infant three times, in the name of the Father and the Son
and the Holy Spirit. After the baptism, they anoint him with
myrrh, just as among us, and then after mass they give the
Eucharist.
Some writers assert that the Abyssinians
consider it necessary to be baptized each year, and that this
takes place on the Holiday of Baptism. This is totally wrong,
since in their catechism and Creed it is definitely stated that
baptism can be performed only once. This error was made because
the pouring of holy Jordan water must have made the Jesuits
think of baptism. I personally witnessed the blessing of water
on the Holiday of Baptism, and a priest three times poured water
on my head. But no one thought to consider this a ceremony of
baptism.
The sacrament of Eucharist takes place during
mass. Mass is called kedasye, and Eucharist is called kurban.
They have 14 masses. These include masses of Jesus Christ, the
Mother of God, and the twelve apostles; in addition to which,
there are the liturgies of John of Damascus [Golden Mouth],
Vassily [Basil] the Great, and Gregory the Theologian. The
liturgy consists of only one part -- the liturgy of the
faithful. There are no liturgies of catechumen and offertory.
The gifts are prepared at the end of the all-night [vespers and
matins] mass. Communion bread is baked of leavened wheat dough
in the form of large round flat cakes, the surface of which is
notched into small squares with lengthwise and transverse cuts.
They do not use wine. In its place, they moisten dried grapes
and squeeze the juice from it. Grapes are obtained from Gondar.
The wheat flour is ground at the church itself by some innocent
boy. The liturgy must be served by no less than five clergymen
-- two priests and three deacons. There can be seven, nine, or
12 clergymen, but never less than five. The whole mass is sung
by priests and deacons, without the participation of the choir.
Only once, after the consecration of the holy gifts, when the
prayer for the whole world is spoken, the choir sings Ekzio
maren (Lord have mercy). The giving of the Eucharist is
performed in both forms. At first one of the priests offers the
body, having separated a square with his fingers. Then he offers
the blood. The gifts are carried in by all the clergymen through
the western doors.
On this occasion, a deacon rings a little
bell and all fall on their knees. The gifts are also carried
back out through the western doors.
The liturgy of John of Damascus [Golden
Mouth] differs, as far as I could tell, from our liturgy of John
of Damascus. First there is no liturgical prayer. In all
probability the liturgical prayer is a later addition made by
the Byzantine church. There is likewise no liturgy of the
catechumen. As for the rest, apparently, there is much
similarity to ours. At the consecration of the holy gifts, the
clergymen mourn for the suffering and death of Jesus Christ. For
the most part, the clergymen are completely carried away in
spirit to the events they are mourning.
Matins together with the midnight service
precede mass. The service begins at two to three o'clock in the
morning and continues until sunrise, when mass begins. Kidan
consists of the reading of books of the Old and New Testaments
and singing by a choir of debtera.
At times, a priest and deacon go out from the
altar with a censer and crosses. The Gospel is read by one of
the priests. After mass, there is some kind of public prayer.
All the priests and deacons who are serving go out from the
altar with crosses and censer and stand silently in front of the
king's gates facing the people. A choir of debtera sings an
improvisation in honor of the emperor, then in honor of the
holiday, and in honor of the Holy Mother of God. For the most
part, the alaka (father superior of the church) improvises; the
choir repeats his words or sings the refrain haile (glory) or
haleluya (hallelujah). If the improvisation is successful, then
all those gathered round approve it, saying "Malkam, malkam"
("Good, good"). The singers get more and more enthusiastic.
They sing while swinging in beat with their
whole body, ringing copper rattles and beating in time with
staffs on the ground.
The movement becomes more and more energetic.
The beating on drums becomes more frequent and louder. The
singers leave their rattles and clap their hands. Some squat and
act like ducks [pochards], describing a cross with the movement
of their heads.
The priests, standing in front of the people,
also sing. Some of the debtera go to the middle of the circle,
making smooth and graceful steps and swinging a staff in time to
the music. The oppressive heat becomes dreadful. Sweat pours in
torrents from the singers. But all are terribly electrified. The
religious enthusiasm is enormous. And there are not at this
moment any other than purely religious sensations. But now the
singing stops abruptly. One of the debtera goes around to all
who are present and, dividing them into groups, designates to
each a saint to whom to pray. He goes around thus several times
until he has enumerated all the saints. After this, a priest
says some prayers which end with the prayer "Our father" (Abuna
zasamayat) and lets the people go. Leaving, each considers it
his duty, just as when arriving, to kiss either an icon or the
door of the church.
Many are inclined to condemn the Abyssinians
for their "holy dance." But in the form in which it takes place
among them, there is nothing immoral about this dance. It is
only an expression of the highest degree of religious
enthusiasm.
Somewhere I read that the Spanish also have
holy dances. Among the Abyssinians, the dances appear to be a
legacy of paganism.
The worship service on major holidays differs
from the usual one only in the greater length of the songs after
mass. For christening, the church is carried in a tent to the
Jordan and all the local inhabitants arrange themselves in a
camp around it.
On Holy Cross Day, a religious procession is
performed around six high upright stacks of firewood, stuck into
the ground, which are then set on fire at night.
The structure of the church itself is
different among them from among us. The altar is in the middle
of the church and looks like a separate square room or house. In
some churches, the walls of the altar are painted with icons, on
which the Abyssinians never give their saints black skin, but
rather the color of the faces on the icons is always yellow. In
the altar, there are four gates from the primary directions.
Some altars only have three gates -- northern, western, and
southern.
Sometimes the gates are made double in each
of the four primary directions. The credence [altar] is
partitioned off with curtains. The gifts are always brought in
and taken out through the west gates. Worshipers arrange
themselves in the church in the following manner. In the
capital, opposite the king's gates to the left stands the
emperor; to the right the abuna (bishop) and the ychygye (head
of all monasteries). Behind them stands a choir of debtera.
During mass, the father superior of the church stands right at
the king's gates; at the end of mass, he goes to the choir. The
men arrange themselves on the northern and western sides; the
women on the southern, separated from the men by a curtain. And
on the eastern side stand the priests and monks and those clergy
who are not taking part in the choir.
There are always many men and women behind a
fence. These are people who did not keep known rules and,
considered unclean, do not have the right to enter the church.
Holy vessels and church utensils used in the
divine service are the following:
Communion cup -- for the most part, a glass
cup.
I did not see a paten.
The lamb is carried out on a large dish (what
kind I was never able to find out). They carry it out covered
with large silk shawls, just the same as they carried it out the
day before a baptism, when the church moves into a tent. Then
the Abyssinians call it tabot. Isn't this the tabot mentioned by
many who have written about Abyssinia, some of whom assert that
it has the form of a box and others of a board? It seems to me
most probable that the tabot among them plays the role of
communion cloth and substitutes for the paten.
The church spoon is for the most part silver.
There is no duplicate. They separate pieces of the lamb by
finger.
The gifts are covered by large silk shawls.
The church utensils consist of parasols,
censers, crosses, staffs, little bells, rattles, and drums.
Parasols play a very important role. They are unfurled above the
holy gifts. Little bells are rung when the holy gifts are
carried in. The censer is very large, made of fretted copper
with attached bells. During the exits, a deacon leaves with the
cross, and a priest with a censer. They stand in front of the
king's doors, face to face and turn around one another three
times, bowing. During this time, the priest swings the censer.
The staff consists of a long cane stick with an iron or other
kind of cane-head. It serves for resting the shoulders on it
during the service. It is about two arshins [56 inches] long.
The rattles are similar to a very long tuning fork; among its
prongs on the transverse pivot are hung copper ringlets. Their
drums are very long. They beat them with the palms of their
hands, while sitting on the floor. On the roofs of churches,
they make crosses out of ostrich eggs embedded on reeds. In
recent times, in some churches there have appeared bells, but
the Abyssinians still do not know how to ring them.
The clothing of priests consists of a long
silk shirt; and over it, a silk chasuble, which extends to the
knees, is worn on the shoulders. For the most part, there are
hoods with tassels behind these chasubles. The dress of deacons
is similar to that of priests, with the difference that priests'
heads are covered with muslin and the deacons' heads are clean
shaven. In ceremonial worship services, priests and deacons put
silver, gilded headgear in the form of crowns on their heads.
This headgear is in different shapes for deacons and for
priests.
Those who perform the divine service are
obliged to change all their clothes, and they do not have the
right to wear these clothes outside the church. They serve
barefoot.
The ecclesiastical ranks of the Ethiopian
church are as follows: deacon, kes (priest), komos, kiros,
episkopos, papas, and likapapas.
The likapapas is the Alexandrian patriarch.
The papas is the metropolitan, Abuna Mateos, one of the three
abunas in Abyssinia.
Two abunas have the rank of episkopos --
Abuna Petros and Abuna Lukas. (At the time of Emperor Yohannes,
Abuna Petros was the metropolitan). Ychygye Gebra Selassie has
the rank of kiros.
All father superiors of monasteries and other
high church figures have the rank of komos.
There are now three abunas in Abyssinia, of
whom Mateos fulfills the duties of metropolitan and the others
-- Petros and Lukas -- the duties of bishops. They arrived in
Ethiopia at the time of Emperor Yohannes, together with a fourth
abuna, Markos, who died. Emperor Yohannes intended to divide the
whole empire into four kingdoms and to establish a diocese in
each. The bishop of Tigre carried out the duties of a
metropolitan, but with the ascension of Emperor Menelik, that
duty shifted to the Shoa bishop. For each of these bishops,
Yohannes paid the Alexandrian church 10,000 talers.
The duties of the bishops consist almost
solely of ordaining for church posts. Sometimes during agitation
over important church questions, the bishops send circular
messages throughout the diocese. But this happens very rarely.
In normal times, they live on their lands, rarely going to the
capital. And when they do go to the capital, they are never at
court, except for one occasion -- the holiday of Maskal (Holy
Cross Day). In case of need, the emperor himself goes to them.
The relationships of the bishops among
themselves are strained. They openly do not agree with one
another on many questions. For instance, Abuna Petros strongly
condemns Abuna Mateos for taking money from those who are being
ordained.
Relationships of the Abyssinian clergy to the
abunas are very hostile. They call the abunas mercenaries. The
current metropolitan by far does not stand on that moral height
which is demanded by his high position. Nonetheless, he has
great importance.
The highest church figure after the abunas is
Ychygye Gebra Selassie. With the rank of kiros, he is the father
superior of the monastery of Debra Libanos and is the head of
all monasteries and the head of all monks of the order of Tekla
Haymanot. This old man is very sympathetic and is loved by all.
He also serves as confessor of the emperor. From the very
beginnings of Christianity in Abyssinia, an ychygye has existed
together with abunas. Saint Abuna Tekla Haymanot was also
ychygye. The ychygye owns large lands. They do not have the
right to ordain those who perform the divine service. In Aksum,
the father superior of the cathedral church there carries the
title of nabr hyda. This title derives from High Priest Azariy,
who was sent by Solomon together with Menelik. He has the rank
of komos. His duty is to preserve the Ark of the Convenant,
which was brought by Menelik from Jerusalem, as if it still
existed to this day.
The father superior of all the churches in
Gondar carries the title of akibe saat. He also has the rank of
komos. The head priests in large monasteries are called kes
hatse, They, just like mamhyry, who are the father superiors of
these monasteries, have the rank of komos. Kes (priests) are
ordained when they have reached maturity and are already
married. Before ordination they undergo something like an
examination. Priests must be married in the church ceremony; and
in view of this, they all take as wife the very youngest girls.
Deacons are boys from eight to twelve years old. Those who have
been prepared for a clerical vocation, but then for various
reasons are not ordained as priests nor as deacons and who do
not become monks, stay in churches, constituting a special class
reminiscent of ancient scribes. They are called debtera
(scholars). Their duties in the church consist of singing. One
of them is selected as the head of he church and of church
property. He likewise designates who of the priests and deacons
serves. (In this regard, they are extremely punctilious. Only
those priests serve who are notable for their irreproachable
behavior.)
Monasticism in Abyssinia is very widespread.
Formerly, there were two orders: the order of Saint Tekla
Haymanot and the order of Eustaphy. The latter was in Gojjam.
But now this order apparently does not exist. There are monks
who are itinerant, and others who live in the world, and others
who live on the summits of cliffs in monasteries. There are also
nuns.
Abyssinian monks are notable for their
asceticism. In general, the clergy have many good qualities.
They have a very strong influence on the people. They always
take on the role of supporters of the weak and as peacemakers.
Each church has the right of sanctuary. In civil relations, each
church represents itself as an independent entity. Each church
owns land, which is worked by its peasants and serfs. It is
surrounded by a whole ecclesiastical settlement -- all the
priests, monks, debtera, and deacons who live at the church and
are fed by its means. Each church has no less than 50 clergymen.
All of this is administered by one of the debtera, called the
"alaka."
In the Ethiopian church there remain several
vestiges of ancient Judaism. They circumcise children -- boys at
seven days, and girls at fourteen days. They only eat meat that
has been slaughtered in a well-known way and, without fail, by a
Christian. And they categorize animals clean and unclean.
There is almost no Abyssinian who has not
dreamed about Jerusalem. Scarcely should a convenient occasion
arise, and they would go there with joy -- for the most part,
without any means, dooming themselves to every hardship of the
road. To bathe in the River Jordan, to drink the water of the
Jordan, to bow down at the Lord's tomb -- that is the secret
dream of almost every Abyssinian. In Jerusalem, they have a
church and a monastery with it. I found there about 100
pilgrims. But the position of Abyssinians in Jerusalem is sad.
They formerly stood at the entrance of the Armenian church and
received some food-stuffs from it. They also had a cemetery in
common with the Armenians.
On the grounds of the Alexandrian Copts, they
built a church with their own money. In recent times, they
separated themselves from the other churches and declared
themselves to be independent. In view of this, the Armenians
took away their cemetery, and the Copts do not let them into the
church which they had built with their own means. The
Abyssinians themselves do not have enough experience in the
conduct of business with the Turkish government, which is
extremely complicated due to the constant disputes of the
various churches among themselves. The position of the
Abyssinians is lamentable. They do not have their own
representative, and none of the representatives of the other
powers, who do not have direct orders to do so from their
governments, will take care of the Abyssinians. Their material
position is also very sad. They receive in all about 1000 rubles
a year -- 500 from the Emperor and 500 from Ras Makonnen. I dare
say that Russia could, without damage to itself, take on the
moral support of the Abyssinians in Jerusalem and render them
strong material help. For this there is no need for concluding
treaties, since any such treaty would be seen as a protectorate
over Abyssinia. From what has been said above, it is evident
that there are very few important differences in dogma between
our church and the majority of Abyssinians. Therefore, the union
of our churches is very possible in the not too distant future.
And in this sense, we must begin to influence
Abyssinia from Jerusalem and not by sending missionaries to
Abyssinia. This would arouse the sympathy of the people on our
side, thanks to our support and care for them there in
Jerusalem, where they above all need it. This would instantly be
felt by all Abyssinia, after which it wouldn't be hard for us to
complete the rest. Likewise, those who want to prepare
themselves for missionary activity in Abyssinia should study the
Abyssinian language and their theology in Jerusalem. The union
of the churches presents for the Abyssinian government a direct
material interest. It would be much more advantageous and
agreeable to them to have bishops supplied to them from Russia
or even to have the ability to supply themselves, than to pay
the Alexandrian patriarch tens of thousands of talers from their
treasury.
Finally, I consider it necessary to summarize
my impressions of Abyssinia and, on the basis of these
impressions and observations, to draw some conclusions about
this country in the form of answers to questions which commonly
interest us Russians:
1) Are the Abyssinians savages? I think that
having become acquainted, just in my short overview, with their
faith, morals, customs and governmental structure, no one should
have the slightest doubt that the Abyssinians are an old
cultured race, although considerably backward today, compared to
Europe, as a result of historical causes. They are surrounded by
savages.
2) What kind of government does Abyssinia
have? Is its power based exclusively on the extraordinary
personality of Menelik or does it rest on firm foundations? Does
this government have vitality or does it contain within itself
many corrupting elements?
From the historical overview we see that
Abyssinia has passed through a period of civil war. On the
debris of the power of separate military leaders and independent
rulers, which was broken by Emperors Tewodros and Yohannes,
there grew a single strong imperial power, supported by the
whole people in the form of a volunteer army. The state is bound
to this new phase not exclusively by the personality of Emperor
Menelik, but rather it was prepared for it by the preceding
destruction of the old foundations. The reliability of the
foundations of the state comes from the deep feeling of
lawfulness and the consciousness of the people, and likewise
from the fact that there are no strong opponents of the imperial
power. There may be disturbances when there is a change of
ruler, but they could not be serious. Internal opposition to the
imperial power has been done away with. There are no external
enemies who are close and sufficiently strong. Consequently, the
state has all the prerequisites for a long existence.
3) Are the Abyssinians Christian or is their
faith a mixture of pagan, Christian and Jewish beliefs?
From my perspective, they are very close to
Orthodoxy. They are deeply believing Christians, who have
preserved many peculiarities of the ancient apostolic church.
They have some vestiges of Judaism, but these do not appear to
have influenced their basic Christian faith.
4) Is Abyssinia a poor country, or, on the
contrary, is it rich? While the people are poor, the country is
very rich, especially the Galla lands.
5) What kind of relations does it have with
European nations? After all that they learned from their recent
bitter lessons, it is hard to expect great love. Those who are
at the helm of power fear the Europeans. Some envy them, and the
majority hold them in contempt. But in this case, it depends on
the tact of each individual person to make himself respected or
even loved, or the reverse. In any case, Abyssinians show much
greater sympathy for Russians, especially those Abyssinians who
have had the opportunity to get to know us. "Moscow is
Christian" is the general belief of the people, while they
aren't convinced that other Europeans really are Christian.
Let's move on then to the question that is
most interesting to us: What kind of relations can we have with
Abyssinia? We'll break that into two questions: What can the
Abyssinians expect from us? And what benefit can we get from
Abyssinia?
The Abyssinians can want from us:
first, moral support in their relations with
foreign powers;
second, material support in the form of
delivery of weapons and shells to them, in the form of teaching
young Abyssinians handicrafts and technical sciences, in the
form of sending to Abyssinia our doctors, technicians, artisans,
and artillery instructors.
For us, Abyssinia can present the
following interest:
Having cast a glance at the map of Central
Africa and on the borders of the Ethiopian Empire, you can
easily see that being located in the vicinity of the Middle
Nile, halfway between Egypt and the great lakes, which belong to
England, Abyssinia, which is expanding each year and taking
large tracts of land which had been free -- rich and densely
populated territory -- must become the natural and main enemy of
England in Central Africa. England is also our main enemy. To
help the enemy of our enemy, to make him as strong as possible
-- that is our main goal in Abyssinia.
But apart from this main goal, we have other
important interests. As is evident from what has been said
before, trade with Abyssinia can be very advantageous for
Russia.
In the not too distant future, a union of the
Ethiopian church with Orthodoxy could take place.
Considering how easy it is to recruit
soldiers in Abyssinia, we could use this source to put together
several detachments of Abyssinians for action on our
south-eastern and eastern borders.
In case of European war, they could be of
great use to us thanks to the great moral effect which they
could have on our enemies. Their endurance and fighting
qualities are well known. The cost of maintaining them would
exceed by little the cost to maintain our field troops.
But to bring all this about, it is necessary
first of all to transfer the accidental and sometimes odd
relations between Russia and Abyssinia to serious ground. It is
my deep conviction that Abyssinia can stand us in good stead,
and that Russia can benefit from paying attention to it.
EQUIPMENT.
My equipment consisted of:
o One round tent of the Abyssinian style, six
arshins (14 feet) in diameter.
o One small tent of the Abyssinian style for
each servant.
o One caldron (25 pounds) for the servants.
o Two field mess-tins.
o One Abyssinian frying pan (one and a half
pounds) for cooking flat cakes.
o One copper coffeepot.
o One enameled teapot.
o One large enameled mug.
o 500 Abyssinian biscuits, weighing about six
poods [216 pounds], (a gift from Emperor Menelik).
o One sack of rye flour, two poods and 5
pounds [77 pounds] of millet grain.
o One 30-pound wineskin of ground pepper and
tef meal.
o Five pounds of oatmeal.
o Two jars of concentrated milk.
o One jar of cocoa.
o Five pounds of tea and two pounds of sugar.
o Five bottles of vodka.
o Ten bottles of cranberry essence.
o Twenty-five pieces of salt (money and
food), one pood and 10 pounds [46 pounds).
o 400 Maria Theresa talers.
o 12 pounds of candles, at eight to the pound
(96 candles).
o 300 packets of matches.
o One Red Cross lantern.
o One Red Cross field bed.
o One tarpaulin.
Two packets of wadding and 12 gauze bandages
in a holster. One two-pound packet of quinine and 35 powders.
Forty laxative powders. Seventy powders for rheumatism. Twenty
mustard plasters. Two bottles of castor oil. One bottle of
opium. One battle of sublimate in tablets (50 tablets). One
bottle of iodoform. One bottle of Dzhevinskiy eye drops. One
bottle of strychnine. Sticking and mercurial plaster. One spool
of American antiseptic plasters.
Two axes. Six sickles. A screwdriver, tongs,
and cleaning rods for cleaning guns. Two awls. Two stakes for
horse lines, a brush, and a horse comb. One pair of scissors.
Needles and thread. Forty arshins [about 31 yards] of towing
rope.
Felt cloak, overcoat, greatcoat, raincoat,
full hussar uniform, Swedish jacket, Austrian jacket, and four
pair of blue trousers.
Two white canvas suits. Five changes of
flannel underwear. Twelve pairs of woolen socks. Twelve
handkerchiefs. Six towels.
Five pairs of boots (one hussar, one
personal, one hunting, and two half-boots.).
Six Abyssinian shammas. Forty arshins [about
31 yards] of silk cloth. Forty arshins of red calico. Ten
arshins [about eight yards] of muslin. Four nickel-plated
watches with chains. Five Swedish knives. Sixty silver crosses
and little icons. Six silk shawls. Six bottles of perfume.
Books, writing materials, and washing set.
All of these amounted to a weight of 45 poods
[1620 pounds], including 20 poods [720 pounds] of powder, three
poods [108 pounds] of shot, and 800 cartridges. It was carried
by eight mules, which amounted to about six poods [216 pounds]
per mule.
The packing was done as follows:
The large tent with appurtenances was wrapped
in the large tarpaulin. The field bed was packed in the trunk
that goes with it. Writing and washing materials, blanket, felt
cloak, two changes of underwear, Swedish jacket, quarter pound
of tea, one candle, two boxes of matches, sack of coffee, sack
of salt, spoon, knife, fork, and one bottle of vodka were all
packed in a hold-all. Clothes, gifts, and money were packed
tight in two field pack-loads, ordered by me in Petersburg. Wine
was carefully packed and taken in a sack. A tin box with alcohol
and a tin box with water were each taken in a skin. Axes and
sickles were in a separate sack. Powder, shot, and hunting gear
were in two boxes. Biscuits were in a pack trunk of the Zvyagin
system.
(On the third march, I had to throw this
trunk away and repack the biscuit in a wineskin). Rye flour was
in a sack. Victuals of the servants were in a wineskin. Five
pounds of millet, five pounds of oatmeal, dried vegetables, two
jars of milk, one jar of cocoa, candles, matches, and tea were
all in two wineskins. Salt was tied up in ropes and taken in a
skin. The caldron, mess-tins, teapot, coffeepot, frying pan, and
tin box for water were strapped to packs. The first-aid kit was
packed in a holster and carried by one of the servants; likewise
the photographic apparatus.
All this was divided among seven mules as
follows:
Mule Number 1: The large tent in a tarpaulin
with the tools.
Mule Number 2: Sack of meal on one side;
hold-all with everyday necessities and bed on the other.
Mule Number 3: A pack with dried crust,
strapped teapot, coffeepot, and tin for water; and on top a box
with 400 Gra cartridges.
Mule Number 4: A small tent and on it two
boxes with powder and shot; on top a caldron, strapped mess-tins
and frying pan.
Mule Number 5: Two pack trunks with clothing,
gifts, and money; on top, wine.
Mule Number 6: Two wine skins with supplies;
on top, a tin with alcohol and salt.
Mule Number 7: One wineskin with victuals,
little wineskins and individual knapsacks; on top, a tin with
water and a box with 400 Gra cartridges.
For packing, the tent was put together in
such a way as to make a bale two and a half arshins [about two
yards] long and one arshin [28 inches] wide. It was put on the
back of the mule in the middle.
A sack of meal on one side and the bed with
the hold-all on the other, each package strongly tied with
ropes, thoroughly tightened and placed on the saddle so that the
pressure fell on the base of the ribs.
The biscuits were first put in the trunk of
the Zvyagin system. Each of the biscuits were 14 vershoks
[24-1/2 inches]long, 10 vershoks [17-1/2 inches] thick, and 6
vershoks [10-1/2 inches] wide. The first day we tried to pack
them ingeniously but this turned out to be too uncomfortable.
The middle bank connecting both trunks was too long and the
trunks hung on the sides, weighing heavy on the spine and
squeezing the sides. In addition, this position was very
unsteady and required constant adjusting. Thanks to that
position of the trunks, the straps for packing touched the mule
at only two points: the middle of the back and under the belly.
On the following day, the servants packed it in their own way,
and in this new way the mule was more comfortable. But
nevertheless on the third day it succeeded in throwing and
shifting off two wineskins of biscuits.
Two boxes with powder and shot were tightly
connected to one another, making two sides of a pack. For
softness, a small tent was placed under them. Four hundred Gra
cartridges were placed in the gun box and packed lengthwise on
top of a mule.
Two pack trunks were tightly connected with
rope. Two wineskins with supplies were tightly connected as the
previous packs, and on top was packed a large tin with vodka.
Thus, for the anticipated six-month journey
my goods were distributed by sections in the following way:
Articles of comfort: tent, bed -- five poods
[180 pounds].
Clothing and footwear -- one pood [36
pounds].
Gifts -- 3 poods [108 pounds].
Food stuffs -- meal victuals, biscuits --
seven poods [252 pounds].
Alcohol, vodka, and wine -- two poods [72
pounds].
Salt and money -- two poods.
Lighting -- 12 pounds.
Powder, shot, and cartridges -- eight poods
[288 pounds].
First-aid kit -- 7 pounds.
The most meager section was food stuffs. But,
according to the information I had, a large part of the journey
passed through thickly settled places, and the food stuffs were
taken as an inviolable reserve to make sure. With my 17
servants, we could be satisfied for 15 days with the biscuits
and meal we had taken.
I threw away the meal on the sixth march
since one of my mules opened the old packing, and meal was
always easy to obtain on the way.
The main principle of loading is that one
must arrange the pack in such a way that it lies on the base of
the ribs evenly, not touching the spine. Tightly connected, both
sides of the pack are lifted by two servants who going behind
the mule place the pack on its back. A third servant holds the
mule by the reins.
The pack is attached with long straps -- one
inch wide and 10 to 12 arshins [about 8 yards] long. In the
middle a noose is tied, and the strap is placed in such a way
that it lies in the middle of the load along the back of the
mule, with the noose behind.
Then the strap from both sides is placed
under the front part of the pack, and the ends are pushed
through the noose and thrown over to the opposite side, forming
in this way in its turn a one and a half to two arshin [42 to 56
inch] noose. [The original showed this in a drawing.] These
nooses are stretched to the opposite side under the stomach and
are drawn by the ends of the straps. This method of packing is
very simple and in case of unhurried travel is completely
satisfactory. But for quick marches is it insufficient since it
requires constant pulling of the straps, and especially if the
mules will trot. The limit of speed of movement with light and
balanced packs is eight versts[a little over five miles] an
hour.
Composition of the detachment:
14 servants, two pack mules, and one saddled
mule.
One small tent. Two pack-loads including: two
changes of underclothing, two pairs of boots (the usual hussar
kind), gifts, two watches, 20 arshins [about 16 yards] of silk
cloth, and three bottles of perfume.
MULE NUMBER 1:
Rolled up thick felt for bedding at night and
in it a blanket. Abyssinian shamma. Twelve candles. Twelve boxes
of matches. Wadding and bandages for dressings. One bottle of
cognac. One pound of coffee. And 300 talers.
MULE NUMBER 2:
Two wineskins with peas, field mess-tin,
frying pan, teapot, five pieces of salt, bag with tools, two
axes and three sickles, and 400 spare cartridges.
A field first-aid kid and photographic
apparatus were carried separately.
The description of several wounds, inflicted
on several animals by a 3/8-inch-caliber rifle 1891 model.
(Excerpt from my hunting journal).
On November 8, 1896, a chamois -- orobo was
killed. It was wounded by a first shot at a distance of 200
paces and, having been wounded, it ran. We followed it for 1,000
paces from the place where the first shot struck him. The bullet
punched a two-vershok [three and a half inch] hole in its neck
in front of the shoulders. The cervical vertebrae were not
touched. The wound was barely noticeable.
On November 7, an antelope (bokhor) was
wounded. It ran after the first shot. On the second shot from a
Gra rifle my servant laid it low, hitting it in the head. The
first bullet from a distance of 100 paces punched a hole in him
through both lungs, not touching the ribs. The wound was
scarcely noticeable. There was internal hemorrhaging.
On March 6, a hippopotamus was killed. A
bullet from a distance of 200 paces struck it at the base of the
neck, punched through the shoulder bone, making a crack in it
and passing out through the lower part of the stomach. The wound
was more than two arshins [56 inches] long. The entry opening
was scarcely noticeable. The exit had two openings. The bullet
went along the skin and in the lower part of the stomach -- two
lacerated wounds in the shape of longitudinal sections, the
first about one vershok [one and three-quarters inches] long,
and the second somewhat larger.
On March 9, an elephant was killed with a
shot to the head from a distance of 50 paces. The bullet punched
through the base of the right tusk and went into the skull. In
the meat there is a scarcely noticeable little hole. The bone
was splintered.
Words of the Gimiro and Madibis Languages
Gimiro Russian Madibis [English]
bog Babata, Iuda God
--- dyavol botya devil
--- chelovyek agara man
--- ay voda fere water
--- zemlya tiaka land
damu ogon fala fire
--- otets baba father
--- mat aa mother
--- devushka bempel girl
--- brat abolonka brother
--- ruzhe alemendi gun
ebo kopye beri spear
--- loshad nokhti horse
gali golova okholo head
zhilishche katenna, shuli dwelling
pokhlebkas myshami kukum soup with mice
donka durra terbakero sorghum, a Turkish
millet
--- reka wolo river
--- kamen balye stone
inchu les chicho forest
bo zhivot --- stomach
COMMERCE IN ABYSSINIA
Constant wars, poor means of communication,
the poverty of the populace and the absence in it of capital
mean that the trade and industry of Abyssinia are insignificant
in comparison with what they could be under other circumstances.
As a matter of fact, Abyssinia itself is a poor country. Not for
nothing, the English, having taken Magdala in 1867 and,
evidently, having had, in that troubled time, the opportunity to
secure a firm footing here, did not take advantage of this and
completely repudiated any pretension to it. Evidently, the game
was not worth the candle. But at that time, Abyssinia did not
yet own the marvelous lands of the Galla -- the homeland of
coffee, gold deposits, and lowlands teeming with elephants. The
present-day capital, Entotto, was still inaccessible for
Abyssinians and in the hands of the Galla. Since then, the times
have changed and the commercial revenue of Abyssinia grows from
year to year.
Of course, there still remains much to
desire. The poverty of the inhabitants makes for very limited
demand. Guns, cheap cotton and silk cloth, some cheap household
articles such as, for instance, tin cups and glass decanters --
such are the main imported articles. Exports consist of gold,
ivory, musk, and primarily coffee. The export of expensive and
difficult to obtain articles is limited by the poor means of
transportation. Were that not the case, the country could
quickly develop agriculture, cotton-growing, tobacco-growing,
and others. Constant wars also have a great influence on
commerce.
The absence of a convenient monetary unit and
the constantly changing rate of exchange also have bad effects.
The existing monetary unit is the Maria Theresa taler, and
recently the talers of Emperor Menelik, minted in France. The
value of both is the same, but inside Abyssinia they accept the
taler of Emperor Menelik at a lower price than the old one. The
rate of exchange in Aden fluctuates from 2 francs 50 to 3 francs
10. Each taler weighs 27 grams, and consequently, you need to
have a separate mule for loading 3,000 talers. In Central and
Southern Abyssinia, bars of salt six vershoks [10-1/2 inches]
long and one vershok [1-3/4 inches] thick and weighing from 3 to
4 pounds serve as small change.
Articles for export usually pass several
times from hand to hand before reaching the sea. For instance,
coffee is bought in the west and southwest from local
landowners. It is carried by Galla merchants to some central
point, as for instance, Bilo, Supe, or Lekamte, where it is
resold to other merchants who take it to Shoa or even to Harar.
There it falls either into the hands of Europeans (mainly the
trading house "Tian and Company") or of Arabs and Indians. They
take it to Aden. Such resale within the country is made
necessary by the fact that usually after a 300-400 verst
[210-280 mile] trip, the mules, which carry very important
cargo, which weighs up to eight poods [288 pounds], by bad roads
and eating from scanty pasturage, are emaciated and exhausted
and need rest.
Gold comes from Wollaga and from the basin of
the Tumat River, which belongs to Abdurakhman, until this time
an independent ruler. The Galla gather the gold beyond a
waterfall in a hole at the bottom of the river. They thoroughly
wash the gold sand in the most primitive way and then they melt
the gold they obtain into ringlets. It differs greatly in
purity: from 1000 to 810 parts of pure gold. It is of a light
yellow color, very soft and easily squeezed. Twenty-seven grams
(the weight of a taler is called an uket) is worth 28-30 talers
locally, and in Aden is worth 34 talers. Apparently, trade is
not very profitable, but taking into account the rate of
exchange of talers and the fact that for gold they are paid in
merchandise and make a profit on that, all this turns out to be
not as unprofitable as it seems at first glance. Considering the
taler at 2 francs 60, a pound of 19-carat gold costs 444 rubles
locally. But 30 talers for an uket is a price which French
traders consider little profitable for themselves. In Aden a
kilogram sells for 3025 francs, or 467 to 468 rubles, which
amounts to 24 rubles per pound of gross profit. But in essence,
as I mentioned above, in view of the fact that for this traders
are paid in merchandise, gold brings much greater profit, all
the more in view of the fact that its small volume means
transport costs very little. As far as I know, among us at the
present time one pound of gold costs about 400 rubles, but this
is the cost of 14-caratgold; pure gold costs about 500 rules.
Consequently, trade in gold with Abyssinia
could be profitable.
Civet musk is obtained in the humid forested
western regions from an animal which the Abyssinians call tryn.
The method of obtaining the musk was described by me. The cost
in Aden of one kilogram is 1,600 francs, which amounts to one
pound for 246 rubles, i.e. almost 17 times more valuable than
the same weight of silver. In Entotto, musk sells for eight
times more than the same weight of silver, that is one uket for
8 talers, or one pound for 118 rubles. Consequently, for 246
rubles you can obtain 128 rubles of gross profit.
But trade in this article is very difficult
and unreliable, since pure musk is hard to get. It usually
passes several times from hand to hand. Here they dilute it with
the feces of this animal and also cow butter, and these
admixtures are very difficult to detect; so in Aden they are
very suspicious of musk and knock down the price for even good
musk. Frequently, local French merchants do not send musk to
Aden, since they conduct direct dealings with Paris.
Ivory is sold for the most part from the
court of the emperor. Sometimes the emperor pays his debts to
suppliers with tusks. The ivory is of very good quality. In
Aden, one pound of ivory costs more than 4 rubles for tusks
weighing not less than a pood [36 pounds] and less for other
tusks. Locally, one uket of ivory, i.e. the weight of 840 talers
or 1 pood 28-1/10 pounds [64-1/10 pounds], costs 77 talers, i.e.
one pound costs a little more than a ruble. This is the price of
large tusks. Thus, the gross profit amounts to 300 to 400.
But this trade, more than all others, varies
in price. The fluctuation makes trade in it very difficult.
Scarcely does someone announce a large quantity of ivory for
sale, and the price immediately drops terribly, and many
Frenchmen who are in Abyssinia suffer great losses. The largest
trading house that buys ivory is "Tian and Company," which,
however, holds in secret the quantity of goods it has for sale,
and sometimes tusks lie in its storeroom for many years before
they are sold. In Petersburg at the present time, one pound of
ivory from large tusks costs six rubles, and this article could
find a direct market in Russia.
Coffee is divided into two main kinds: wild
coffee of Kaffa, Mocha, and western regions, and cultivated
coffee of Harar and Chercher. Both of them are of excellent
quality, comparable to the very best kind of Mocha coffee. Harar
coffee costs more since it is harvested at the right time. Kaffa
coffee is harvested after it falls from the tree; which means
that from lying on the ground it blackens and loses part of its
aroma and hence its value.
Buyers of coffee in Abyssinia itself are
almost exclusively Abyssinians and Galla. Europeans in this
trade do very little business inside the country since transport
of coffee demands a great quantity of mules. The representatives
of the large companies from Aden which buy coffee are found in
Harar. In Aden, the price for one kilogram of the best coffee is
3 francs 50 centimes. In Harar, it costs half that; and inside
Abyssinia the price is a quarter or a fifth what it is in Aden.
In Harar a frazla (measure of weight) is equal to 37-1/2 pounds
and sells for 6 to 8 talers, i.e. one kilogram for 1 franc 38
centimes, a Russian pound for 21 to 22 kopecks. In Petersburg,
one pound of the best coffee costs 65 kopecks. Coffee could
likewise become an article for import into Russia from
Abyssinia; and, undoubtedly, quite a lot of coffee could be sold
here since it is accepted practice mainly to call "Abyssinian"
the Mocha coffee that reaches us far from the first hands.
Of the remaining articles exported from
Abyssinia, we must mention wax, which is of very good quality
but is exported in small quantities; and skins which are
exported in very large quantities. A lot of incense is exported
from the port of Zeila. The incense is obtained in the coastal
Somali steppes. Gum arabic is also from there. In the past, many
mules were exported from Abyssinia, but in recent times that
export has been stopped since many mules were killed in the
recent war.
Agricultural produce is not exported from
Abyssinia despite the great fertility of the region. Likewise
they do not export cotton, which they get there in excellent
quality, but all of which is consumed inside the country. This
results from the low price of these articles compared with their
volume and the difficulty of transporting them.
The main imported article is guns. Most of
all they import guns of the Gra system, which the Emperor buys
for 18 talers each. On the side, they are sold for 20 to 25
talers.
The revolvers they import are mostly
second-hand and old and sell for 12 to 20 talers each.
Saber blades are very expensive, especially
thin, long ones. They sell for 12 talers each.
Silver is imported annually in large
quantities in the form of money -- Maria Theresa talers. Because
the value of exports exceeds the value of imports, this money
stays in the country.
These talers are made in Austria, and the
silver is of very low purity. Other imported metals include:
iron in the form of wires and small manufactured articles,
copper and lead in ingots, steel and mercury for gilding. All of
these are imported in very small quantities.
Cotton fabric is imported into Abyssinia in
small quantities. Above all they import inexpensive, thin, white
cotton fabric of Indian manufacture, which is used in Abyssinia
in the sewing of trousers and tents. In Addis Ababa a piece of
abujedi -- which is what the Abyssinians call this fabric --
sells for 4 talers.
One such piece measures 18 meters or 26
arshins, or 48 "elbows" (the local measure of length from the
elbow to the end of the fingers). Aside from abujedi, they also
import a better kind of cotton fabric, but in very small
quantities. Usually all the caravans which carry coffee sell
their coffee in Harar and buy abujedi there, and carry them to
Entotto where they buy salt and take it to the far western
regions where they exchange it for coffee.
Salt is obtained from Lake Assal and Lake Massovy. The salt is set in the form of bars six vershoks [10-1/2 inches] long and 1 vershok [1-3/4 inches] thick, weighing from three to four pounds. Now in Addis Ababa for one taler you can get six new salt bars or seven old ones, which comes to about four kopecks a pound. They import silk fabric (in the form of part silk material for shirts), velvet, and