from Dramatic
and Poetical Works of the Late Lieutenant General J. Burgoyne,
1808
Few
circumstances have more frequently, or with more reason, been
lamented, by writers of biography, than the deficiency which
they have found of materials, for enabling them to trace the
progress of celebrated but originally obscure characters, at
their first entrance into a state of active existence. The
early life of many who steadily worked their way up to
distinguished eminence is buried in total darkness. This blank
in the history of individuals, though to superficial observers
its occurrence may be thought of little moment, is undoubtedly
a subject of regret, as it would be not less useful than
curious to know throughout what slow gradations, and by what
continued struggles, worth and genius eventually surmounted
all those obstacles which had been opposed to them by the
malignity of fortune. The lesson of patience and perseverance,
thus practically taught, would be of more avail than all the
volumes of reasoning upon these virtues, which have been, or
which ever can be, written by sages and by moralists.
Among those,
no memorial of whose youth remains, is to be numbered John
Burgoyne, a man who rose to no mean celebrity, as a writer, a
senator, and an officer. The time and place of his birth are
unknown. Even his parentage is doubtful. He is said, but upon
what authority does not appear, to have been the natural son
of Lord Bingley, who died, at an advanced age in 1774.
That his
education was of the most liberal kind is sufficiently
testified by subsequent evidence. It is not improbable, also,
that he was either destined for, or resolved upon, the
profession of arms, at a very early period. The dates of his
subaltern promotions elude discovery, and are not, perhaps, in
themselves of much importance; but, on the 10th of May, 1738,
he was raised to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. In the August
of 1759, he was appointed lieutenant-colonel-commandant of the
sixteenth light dragoons. With this regiment he served, in
1761, at Belleisle, where, during the siege of Palais, he was
entrusted with a negotiation for an exchange of prisoners.
A more busy
service awaited him upon his return home. Spain had now
acceded to the family compact, and, after vain endeavours to
draw over Portugal from its alliance with England, had
resolved to attack that country in the hope of an easy
conquest; a hope which arose from her conviction of the weak
and undisciplined state of the Portuguese army. In this
exigency Great Britain hastened to the succour of an ally, who
had preferred the chance of utter ruin to the shame of having
violated her faith.
The troops
destined for this service arrived in the Tagus on the 6th of
May. They were immediately marched to join the Portuguese
army, under the command of the Count de la Lippe Buckeburg,
and took the field in the course of July. The campaign had
been commenced by the Spaniards on the side of Tras os Monies,
in which province Miranda, Braganza, and some other towns had
fallen into their hands. They next resolved to proceed against
Oporto, but this design was frustrated by the bravery of the
peasants, who took possession of the defiles, and compelled
the Spanish army to a disorderly retreat. Disappointed in this
quarter the enemy turned their steps towards the province of
Beira, and laid siege to the frontier town of Almeida, which,
after a short defence, fell into their hands through the
imbecility and cowardice of its governor. Their army now
approached the Tagus, the only direction in which an invader
can penetrate to the capital, all other access being rendered
nearly, if not quite impracticable, by immense chains of
mountains, and other natural obstructions.
To second the
operations of this army, by an incursion into Alemtejo, or by
advancing on the opposite side of the Tagus, and thus to
distract the attention of the Portuguese, already but too
feeble in point of numbers, a body of troops was beginning to
assemble in Spanish Estramadura, at the town of Valencia de
Alcantara. It consisted at present of about 1200 men. Well
knowing that if this force were suffered to increase, it would
embarrass him very considerably, the Count de la Lippe, who
was encamped at Abrantes, formed the bold design of attacking
and dispersing it before it assumed a more formidable aspect.
The execution
of this plan was confined to Burgoyne, who then held the rank
of brigadier. No inconsiderable difficulties stood in the way
of this enterprise; but the spirit of the commander was not of
a nature to be depressed by such considerations. He crossed
the Tagus, at midnight on the 23rd, with 400 of his own
regiment, was joined as he advanced by one or two small
detachments, and after a laborious march of more than fifteen
leagues, performed through bad roads, and without halting, he
arrived on the morning of the 26th at some distance from the
town of Alcantara. His intention had been to surprise the
place before break of day, but he now found that from the
delay, occasioned by the ignorance of the guides, the dawn was
at hand, and his scheme would be frustrated if he waited till
his whole division could cooperate in the attack. He,
therefore, boldly pushed forward with his dragoons alone. This
audacity was favoured by fortune. At the head of his handful
of soldiers he entered the town with such determined
resolution that the guards in the square were all killed or
made prisoners before they could take arms, and the ends of
the streets were secured after a trifling resistance. Some
parties, having rallied, attempted to return to the charge;
but their lives paid the forfeit of their temerity. A firing
was for a short time kept up from the windows. It was,
however, put a stop to, by the menace of setting the town in
flames, at the four corners, if the doors and windows were not
instantly thrown open. Parties were immediately sent out to
pursue such of the enemy as had escaped into the country, and
in this service their success was very considerable.
In this
gallant action the loss of the English was scarcely worthy of
notice; while, on the other hand, that of the Spaniards was
remarkably severe. Many prisoners were taken, among whom was
the Spanish general, and the regiment of Seville was totally
destroyed. Three standards, with a large quantity of arms and
ammunition, fell into the hands of the victors. In consequence
of the strict discipline observed by the British very little
was suffered by the town or the inhabitants. The generosity
and gallantry of Burgoyne were indeed subjects of praise among
the Spanish officers themselves. From the Count de la Lippe
they received, in the public orders of the day, the highest
encomiums.
All danger was
thus at an end on the side of Alemtejo; but it was not so on
the other bank of the Tagus, where their immense superiority
of numbers enabled the Spaniards to obtain a footing, though
but a trifling one, in Portuguese Estramadura, and make a
somewhat nearer approach to the capital. Early in October they
attacked the old Moorish castle of Villa Velha, and the
dcfiies of St. Simon. The castle was, for a considerable time,
supported across the river by Brigadier Burgoyne, who was
posted between Nissa and the Tagus. It was, however, at last
compelled to surrender, the enemy having contrived to turn the
position.
A body of two
thousand Spaniards now encamped in the neighbourhood of Villa
Vellia. It was soon perceived by Burgoyne, that this corps,
proud of its late successes, was a little more careless than
was proper in the neighbourhood of a vigilant and enterprising
adversary. For this unsoldier-like negligence he soon
inflicted upon them an exemplary chastisement. Under his
orders Lieutenant-Colonel Lee crossed the Tagus, on the night
of the 5th of October, with a detachment of 350 British
soldiers, and succeeded in completely surprising the Spanish
camp. A considerable slaughter took place, with a very
trifling loss to the assailants. Some magazines were burned,
six cannons spiked, and sixty artillery mules, and a large
quantity of baggage taken. After this decisive blow, the
detachment recrossed the Tagus, and resumed its original
quarters, without interruption.
Here closed
the campaign. Harassed, dispirited, and reduced to almost one
half of their original numbers, the Spanish troops retired
within their own frontier. Peace was shortly after concluded
between the belligerent powers, and the subject of this memoir
returned to his own country, with the reputation of an
enlightened, intrepid, and active officer. On the 8th of
October, previously to his embarking for England, he had been
raised to the rank of colonel.
At the general
election in 1761, he had been chosen member for Midhurst, and
he accordingly, on his arrival from Portugal, took his seat in
the House of Commons. He does not, however, appear to have
been, at this period, a very active member. On the next
election, in 1768, he was returned for the borough of Preston,
Some circumstances arising from this event, and from his
presumed connection with the Duke of Grafton, drew upon him
the hostility of Junius, who, in several of his letters,
adverts to him in language of great severity. The same year he
was appointed governor of Fort William. His commission as
major-general is dated in 1772, ten years after his attaining
the rank of colonel.
In the debates
of Parliament he now took a more frequent part than he had
before done. Administration having accepted, in 1771, from the
Spanish government, a very inadequate satisfaction for the
insult which had been offered to Great Britain, by the seizure
of the Falkland Islands, he arraigned their conduct in a
speech of much eloquence and vigour. But his efforts, and
those of his friends, were unavailing; an address approving
the convention between the two powers was carried by a large
majority.
The next year
he was not less strenuous in endeavouring to detect and bring
to punishment the corruption and delinquency which disgraced
the characters of those to whom authority was delegated in our
Eastern empire. It was on his motion that a committee was
appointed "to enquire into the nature, state, and condition of
the East India Company, and of the British affairs in the East
Indies." His speech, on this occasion, is highly honourable to
him, both as a man, and as an orator. As chairman of the
committee, he found himself repeatedly called upon to defend
the measures and intentions of himself and his colleagues, and
he was not backward in the performance of this duty.
But, amidst
the pressure of senatorial and professional avocations, he
found time for pursuits of a more light and amusing nature. A
marriage took place in June 1774, between Lord Stanley, the
present Earl of Derby, and Lady Betty Hamilton, daughter of
the Duke of Hamilton. On this occasion a fete champetre was
given at the Oaks, which in taste and splendour far exceeded
everything of the kind that had been seen before. The
superintendence of the whole was committed to Burgoyne. It was
for this festival that he wrote his first dramatic piece,
entitled The Maid of the Oaks. This elegant comic
entertainment was afterwards, with some additions, it is said
from the pen of Garrick, successfully brought forward on the
boards of Drury Lane Theatre. Nor has it yet lost its
attractions with the public, though Mrs. Baddely and Mrs.
Abingdon, the original representatives of Maria and Lady Bab
Lardoon, have never been equaled by later performers of those
characters.
His attention,
however, was soon called off from letters to arms. He embarked
in 1775, with Generals Howe and Clinton, for America, and
arrived at Boston early in June. Some of the official papers
issued there, at that period, are attributed to his pen. His
stay this time in America was short, as he returned to England
during the winter. But in the spring of 1776, having
previously been promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general, he
sailed for Canada, where he had some share in assisting Sir
Guy Carleton to expel the rebels, who had for many months held
a footing in that province, and even reduced its capital,
Quebec, to the greatest extremity. The campaign being at an
end, he again, at the close of the year, landed in his native
country.
During his
absence in America he suffered the loss of his wife, Lady
Charlotte Burgoyne, who died at Kensington Palace, on the 5th
of June, 1776. His marriage with this lady, a daughter of the
Earl of Derby, is said to have been contracted when he was
only a subaltern at Preston, and to have at first excited the
resentment of her father, against whose wishes it had taken
place, and who declared his resolution never to admit the
offenders to his presence. As time, however, disclosed to him
the amiable qualities, and great talents of his son-in-law,
the anger of the Earl died away, and was succeeded by a warm
and lasting affection. By Lady Charlotte the General had no
children.
Private
affliction was soon compelled to give way to the claims of the
public upon his services. Government resolved to make, in the
summer of 1777, a decisive effort against the revolted
colonies. A large force was to penetrate towards Albany from
Canada, by the way of the lakes, while another body advanced
up the Hudson's river, for the purpose of joining the Canadian
army. By this means it was hoped that all communication would
be cut off between the northern and southern colonies, and
that each of them, being left to its own means of defence, and
attacked by superior numbers, would inevitably be reduced with
little trouble. To distract the attention of the enemy, a
detachment was at the same time to attack Fort Stanwix on the
Mohawk river.
For an
expedition like this, which required courage, promptitude,
perseverance, and a mind fertile in resources, no chief could
be more proper than General Burgoyne. To him, therefore, it
was decided by government that it should be committed; and he
accepted the charge. Eight thousand regulars, two thousand
Canadians, and one thousand savages, was the strength which he
considered as necessary to effect the march to Albany.
Upon his
joining the army, however, he found, that it consisted of
barely seven thousand regulars, that not more than a hundred
and fifty Canadians could be got together, and that the number
of Indians could not be increased beyond four hundred. This
defalcation in point of numbers was of no small consequence.
By a fatal error in judgment of the ministers at home, he was
also tied up from acting on the side of the Connecticut river,
a measure which he had suggested, as being advisable under
certain circumstances: his orders were peremptory to force his
way to Albany.
The army set
out from St. John's on the 14th of June, 1777, and encamped at
the river Bouquet, on the western side of Lake Champlain, near
Crown Point. At this place, five days after his departure from
St. John's, the General met the Indians in congress, and,
according to the usual custom, gave them a war feast. To
repress their native barbarity, he addressed them in a speech
recommending humanity to the enemy, and promising rewards for
prisoners, but assuring them that all claims they might make
for scalps would be looked into with a very suspicious eye.
His next step was to issue a manifesto to the Americans, in
which their hopes and fears were alternately worked upon, in
order to induce their return to obedience.
Having made
some stay at Crown Point, for the purpose of establishing a
hospital and magazines, and for other necessary services, the
army advanced towards Ticonderoga. Every exertion had been
made by the Americans, to render this position impregnable.
All approach was, from the very situation of the place, a
matter of difficulty, and in aid of its intrinsic strength,
numberless redoubts and lines had been raised, the whole of
which were crowded with artillery. The river was closed by a
bridge and boom, on the construction of which incredible
labour had been bestowed. For more than ten months the whole
of the works had been carrying on.
Great as these
advantages were they could not give spirits to the garrison of
the place, before which the royal army appeared on the 2d of
July, and immediately made preparation for commencing the
siege. After three days of hesitation, during which the
British army made incredible exertions in opening roads and
levelling ground for the erection of batteries, the American
commanders took the resolution of abandoning Ticonderoga, in
which they left behind them a prodigious train of artillery.
Their retreat was discovered at the dawn of the 6th. A rapid
pursuit was instantly begun, and continued with such vigour
that the naval force of the enemy was come up with near
Skenesborough falls. An action ensued, in which their vessels
were totally destroyed. Hopeless of making any stand at
Skenesborough, the American troops retired, after destroying,
as well as they could, the various works which had been raised
for its defence. They were followed by the British, and
defeated in two engagements, with great slaughter.
At
Skenesborough, General Burgoyne was compelled to wait several
days for the arrival of tents, baggage, and provisions. While
the army remained here it was incessantly employed in opening
roads, by the way of Fort Anne, to advance against the enemy.
The difficulty of this task is not easily described. In itself
a wilderness, the country was rendered still more
impracticable by the number of trees which had been felled in
all directions, and piled upon each other, and which must of
necessity be removed before a step could be taken. So
intersected too was the ground with creeks and marshes, that
no less than forty bridges were obliged to be constructed in
the course of a few miles, independently of the repairs of
others.
In spite of
every obstacle the army, towards the end of July, arrived near
Fort Edward, which was abandoned by the enemy, who retired to
Saratoga. Here, notwithstanding the most strenuous endeavours
were used to forward the service, a halt of fifteen days was
found indispensable for the purpose of bringing forward
bateaux, provisions, and ammunition, from Fort Anne. Neither
oxen nor horses were to be procured, and the country was
besides inundated with continued rain. Intelligence was here
received that Colonel St. Leger had begun the siege of Fort
Stanwix. General Burgoyne, therefore, determined to cross the
Hudson's river. But, though every nerve had been strained, the
provision in store was very trifling. A supply, however, must
absolutely be obtained. The rebels had established a magazine
at Bennington, and it was hoped that by surprising it, a large
proportion of what was wanted might be secured to the army. On
this service Lieutenant-Colonel Baum was dispatched, with
about five hundred men. The army, at the same time, moved
along the Hudson, and threw a bridge over it opposite
Saratoga. Baum had not reached Bennington, when he received
advice that the enemy were in great force at that place. He
accordingly halted, and sent off to the English camp for
assistance. It was dispatched, but before its arrival Baum had
been attacked, and his whole party killed or made prisoners.
Ignorant of his defeat the detachment which had been sent to
his succour continued to advance, was unfortunately surrounded
by the victorious Americans, and suffered very severely in
making its retreat. Six hundred men were lost to the army by
these two engagements. Shortly after, Colonel St. Leger was
compelled to retire from before Fort Stanwix.
Nearly thirty
days provision having been collected the army crossed the
Hudson, about the middle of September, and encamped at
Saratoga. The enemy's force was at Stillwater. The British
advanced to attack them in that position, and an obstinate
battle ensued, in which much honour, but no solid advantage,
was gained by the assailants. The field of battle, it is true,
remained in our possession, but nothing more, and it was
dearly paid for by the fall of a number of brave men. Nothing
could be done against the hostile camp, all approach to which
was rendered impracticable by natural obstacles, as well as by
numerous fortifications. Every day also swelled the force of
the Americans, and lessened that of the British.
Still hoping
that, by the approach of an army up the Hudson from New York,
he should be enabled to accomplish the purpose of the
campaign, General Burgoyne decided upon holding his position
as long as possible. Great exertions were accordingly made to
secure it by strong lines and redoubts. Disgusted at the
difficulty of the service, and the little share to be met with
of plunder, the Indians were daily deserting the army; nor was
much more reliance to be placed on the Canadians and
Provincials, The hardships to which the troops were exposed
became consequently greater every hour; but not a complaint
nor murmur was heard from a single individual.
While the
General was sufficiently occupied in front, by the army of
Gates and Arnold, a daring attempt was made to shut him up in
the rear. From the head of the Connecticut a body of fifteen
hundred men marched, with the utmost secrecy, and without
being discovered, against Ticonderoga, and succeeded in
surprising some of the outposts of that place. They made
reiterated assaults upon the fortress itself, for four days;
but, being every time repulsed, they at last thought it
prudent to retire.
The month of
October opened, and no assistance was at hand to extricate the
General from his perilous situation. He now found it expedient
to put the troops upon a shorter allowance. The cheerfulness
with which they submitted to this measure is deserving of the
highest praise. The force of the enemy was by this time
increased to a most formidable magnitude. It consisted,
indeed, of not less than eighteen thousand men. In this state
of things the British General judged it advisable, on the 7th
of October, to make a movement towards the enemy's left, to
discover whether it was possible to open a passage forward,
or, if that could not be done, at least so far to dislodge him
as would facilitate a retreat. This motion was also designed
to cover a forage of the army.
Fifteen
hundred men, with eight cannon and two howitzers, were
destined for this purpose. The General himself commanded them,
and was seconded by some of his best officers. But Arnold, who
had perceived how critical his situation would be if he were
turned, did not wait to receive an attack. With far superior
numbers to his adversary he quitted his position, and gave
battle to the division which was advancing against him.
Constantly reinforced by fresh battalions he succeeded, after
a desperate conflict, in driving the British to their camp,
which was immediately assaulted in various parts. Arnold
himself was finally repulsed, but the Americans broke into the
lines in that quarter which was defended by Colonel Breyman.
An opening was thus made on the right and the rear.
The position
being no longer tenable it was resolved to abandon it, and
take post on the heights above the hospital, by which the
front would be changed, and the enemy compelled to form a new
disposition. This delicate and dangerous movement was effected
in the night without loss or disorder. Battle was next day
offered to the Americans, but was prudently declined.
The march of
the enemy to turn the right of the British obliged the latter
to leave their favourable ground, and retire towards Saratoga.
By the morning of the tenth the whole of the army had crossed
the fords of the Fishkill, near that place, and posted itself
in a strong situation. It was followed there by the Americans,
who took every step which could preclude the possibility of
escape. For a moment they entertained the idea of attacking
the loyal army in its camp, and preparations to this intent
were actually made, but on consideration the scheme was
relinquished, as fraught with hazard, and likely to produce
the most fatal consequences. Had it been pursued an entire
defeat of the assailants would, in all probability, have been
the result.
Far from all
succour, surrounded in the most difficult of countries by an
army more than four times his own in numbers, provisions
growing short, the regiments mouldering away, every part of
the camp exposed to grape and rifle shot, and without power to
compel the enemy to an action, the General assembled a council
of war to deliberate upon the measures to be taken in so
painful an exigency. Such were the circumstances of the case,
that to advance, retreat, or engage, was equally impossible.
The unanimous voice of the council, therefore, was for
entering upon a negotiation.
The first
proposals drawn up by General Gates were rejected with
indignation, as oppressive and dishonourable. He was informed
that, sooner than accept them, the army, to a man, would
perish with their weapons in their hands. To this
inflexibility of Burgoyne, Gates yielded with a good grace. It
was finally settled that the British army should march out of
its camp with all the honours of war, and should be sent to
Europe, on condition of not serving in America during the
present war. The officers, previous to embarkation, were to
keep their swords, and on no account to be separated from
their men, private property was to be held sacred, and the
baggage neither to be searched nor molested.
Though foiled
in his efforts, and obliged at last to capitulate, the
reputation of General Burgoyne was considerably increased, in
the eyes of unprejudiced military men, by this unfortunate
expedition. Unable to command success, he had omitted nothing
by which he could deserve it. All that man could do or suffer
had been done and suffered by him to ensure an ultimate
triumph; and, had he not first been tied down by peremptory
orders, and then left to make his way, through a thousand
obstacles, with a force at once insufficient and unsupported,
there is little or no doubt that the great purpose for which
the enterprise was originally planned would have been
accomplished in the fullest manner.
The news of
the Saratoga convention was received by the ministers in
England with the most bitter vexation. Pressed already beyond
endurance by the opposition, they were well aware that this
additional heavy misfortune would be urged against them in
parliament with all the powers of argument and eloquence. To
throw the blame on the General was the best means of escaping
reproach that suggested itself to their minds. No open attack
was indeed immediately made in either house, but insinuations
and hints were not spared. The herd of pensioned writers acted
with more boldness, and scattered about invectives and
calumnies against the General with a liberal hand.
Early in 1778
he arrived in England. An audience with his sovereign was
requested, and refused. A court of enquire, appointed to
examine his case, declared him, as a prisoner on parole, to be
out of its cognizance; and a court martial, which he next
insisted upon, was denied him on the same ground. Parliament
alone remained upon which he could throw himself for a
hearing. After a short stay at Bath, for the restoration of
his health, he accordingly, on the 26th of May, attended his
duty in the House of Commons, and vindicated his conduct in a
long, animated, and satisfactory speech. Two days after this
he made another of equal, or perhaps still greater merit, in
which he arraigned with pointed severity the weakness and
incapacity of those who held the reins of government. Some
management had been observed towards him by ministers during
the first debate, but they were now goaded into the most
determined hostility. To get rid entirely of all further
trouble from him, a weak attempt was made by some of them to
exclude him from the house, under pretence that, as a prisoner
of war, he could have no right to speak or vote. Much
personality was used upon the occasion. This miserable attack
he indignantly repelled, and the Speaker being appealed to for
his opinion on the subject, his decision was given in favour
of the General.
As this mode
of getting rid of him had failed it was resolved to try
another. A lucky opportunity of effecting this had, it was
thought, occurred, in the circumstance of Congress having,
upon the most frivolous pretexts, declined to ratify the
convention, until advices of its having been approved of by
the English ministry had arrived in America. An order from the
secretary of war was accordingly sent him in the beginning of
June to repair to New England, his presence there being
necessary to the troops. Obedience to this order he very
properly declined. A long correspondence took place on this
subject, in which he appears to great advantage. The business
ended by his voluntary resignation of all his appointments,
amounting, it has been said, to £3,500 a year. His rank in the
army he, however, retained, in order to render him amenable to
a court martial hereafter, and to enable him to fulfil his
personal faith with the enemy.
The
long-desired time for defending his calumniated character at
length arrived. A committee had, on the repeated demands of
Sir William Howe, been appointed in 1781, to enquire into his
own conduct during the American war. Before the sittings of
this committee were closed, Burgoyne succeeded in procuring
evidence to be examined before it with respect to the
proceedings of the army under his command. The result was such
as could not but be highly flattering to his feelings. Every
officer that was examined gave the strongest testimony to his
bravery and superior talents. It did not appear that a single
fault had been found with any of his plans or movements by the
most enlightened judges who were in service with him; but it
did clearly appear that he enjoyed the entire confidence of
his army, and that, in situations of the most trying nature,
in the face of disaster, of danger, and of death, he was
looked up to by his troops with the warmest affection, and the
most undoubting reliance; that they were at all times ready to
suffer, to fight, and to perish with him. The committee was
shortly after suddenly dissolved, without having passed a
single resolution upon the momentous subject which had been
referred to its consideration.
In I780 he
appeared before the public with two productions of very
dissimilar natures. The first of these was A State of the Expedition
from Canada, as laid before the House of Commons, and
verified by Evidence. It was inscribed, in an elegant
and affectionate address, to the officers of the array which
he had commanded against the Americans, and is conclusive in
his behalf. He narrates, in a concise and perspicuous manner,
yet with great spirit, the whole of the transactions which
took place; and he supports his narrative by incontestable
documents. His earlier literary effort was a comic opera, in
three acts, called The Lord of the Manor, which was received
with much applause. It is a light, but lively and
well-conducted little piece, far superior in merit to many
later favourites of the same kind. In the course of it, many
severe and witty sarcasms are aimed at the administration
which was then in power. The music is by Jackson of Exeter,
and in some parts is entitled to more than common praise.
The party
which had so long and so eloquently opposed the ruinous war
with America having at last been called to share in the toils
and the honours of government, General Burgoyne was not
forgotten. He was on the 16th of April, 1782, appointed
Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Forces in Ireland, and a
few days after, a member of the privy council of that country.
The rank of commander in chief, however, he retained not quite
two years. His friends having been displaced, his situation
was filled, on the entrance into office of the late Chancellor
of the Exchequer, by Lieutenant-General William Augustus Pitt.
The new
administration soon found itself vigorously attacked by the
party in opposition. No pains were spared to render it an
object of hatred and contempt. To accomplish these ends the
powers both of wit and argument were incessantly employed. Of
the weapons used in the lighter of these two modes of
hostility, the Criticisms on the Rolliad, and the Probationary
Odes was, perhaps, the most offensive to the minister and his
friends. These exquisitely witty and satirical compositions
are in possession of an established fame, which has not often
fallen to the lot of party writings. Since their first
appearance in 1785, no less than twenty-one editions of them
have been published. The Westminster Guide,
and one of the
Probationary Odes, was contributed by General Burgoyne.
Both these pieces are reprinted in the present collection of
his Works.
These sportive
effusions were a prelude to a composition of a more dignified
nature, which affixed the seal to his reputation as a dramatic
author. In 1780 appeared the comedy of The Heiress. It was
welcomed, by crowded audiences, with that distinguished
applause which it so well merited. Nor was it less attractive
in the closet. The sale of ten editions in one year bore ample
testimony to its merits, as a chaste, a spirited, and polished
composition.
He not long
after gave to the stage an adaptation of Sedaine's historical
romance of Richard Coeur de Lion, and was again successful in
his claim to public approbation. The piece had a very
flattering run, and has been since revived at Drury Lane
Theatre, where it originally appeared.
At an early
period of his parliamentary career, we have seen him active in
the pursuit and exposure of Indian delinquency. After a lapse
of thirteen years he was now called upon to assist others in
the performance of a similar task. He was chosen in 1787, one
of the committee of managers for conducting the impeachment of
Mr. Hastings. Under this character he, during the course of
the trial, moved the censure of the house upon Major Scott,
for a libel on the conduct of the committee. The motion was
carried. His steady performance of his duty as a manager
exposed him to a malignant but pointless attack, from an
anonymous libeler, who published a collection of epistles, the
poetical style of which was in humble imitation of that which
has been long and justly admired in the New Bath Guide. The
conclusion of Mr. Hastings's trial the General did not live to
witness. His death took place on the 4th of June, from a
sudden attack of the gout, at his house in Hertford Street,
May Fair, and was an unexpected stroke to his friends, as he
had been out, in apparent good health, the preceding day. He
was buried, in a very private manner, on the 13th, in the
cloisters of Westminster Abbey. Only one coach, containing
four gentlemen, attended his funeral. No memorial, not even a
simple stone, marks the spot where his remains are interred.
Fortunately, however, genius and valour are not compelled to
rely upon the weak assistance of either brass or marble for
the perpetuation of their memory.